tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8235079186278584682024-02-18T23:46:12.817-08:00laborarchive :: Labor and the labor movement in UkraineBeginning 2011 in the framework of "Labor and the labor movement in Ukraine. Archive and research" a group of scholars, journalists, artists and union activists will collect and analyse data related to the condition of the working class in contemporary Ukraine, documenting changes that occured in class structure and patterns of class exploitation and resistance since the break-up of the Soviet Union.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger37125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-43481043568882251852012-12-23T14:55:00.003-08:002012-12-23T15:03:33.158-08:00Перебудова знизу / Perestroika from Below<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Документальний фільм 1989 року істориків робітничого руху <a href="http://laborarchive.blogspot.com/2011/10/1989-91.html">Даніела Валковіца</a> і Барбари Абраш "Перебудова знизу" базується на хронікальних матеріалах, знятих під час відвідування України. Науковці збиралися знімати на відео інтерв'ю зі звільненими робітниками, але несподівано отримали доступ до шахтарів, які щойно завершили свій історичний страйк - першу в СРСР наступальну акцію робітничих мас з 1920 року. <br />
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"Перебудова знизу" представляє історію шахтарського руху, яку розповідають їх власні голоси. З щирістю і пристрастю страйкарі - часто члени Комуністичної партії - висловлюють своє невдоволення корумпованою офіційною профспілкою. На останньому засіданні профспілки шахтарі виражають різке невдоволення профспілковим босом. Вони вимагають підзвітності і дорікають голові профспілки за зловживання привілеями. Коли бос показує замало докорів сумління, шахтарі починають діяти.<br />
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A Film by Daniel J. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/"><span id="goog_1547325345"></span>Walkowitz <span id="goog_1547325346"></span></a>& Barbara Abrash<br />
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This film chronicles a 1989 trip made by a group of labor historians to Donetsk, Ukraine after the first mass strike in the USSR since the 1920s. Prepared to videotape interviews with retired workers, they unexpectedly gained access to the coal miners who had just concluded their historic strike.<br />
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PERESTROIKA FROM BELOW presents the miners' story through their own voices. With passion and remarkable candor, the strikers - often Communist Party members - express their dissatisfaction with their corrupt union, providing sharp contrast to the propaganda films edited into this program. At the workers' last meeting, miners challenge their long-time union boss on vacations, housing, even refrigerators. Demanding accountability, workers attack their leaders for abusing privilege. When they show little remorse, the miners take action.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-35567972901242484762012-06-10T02:03:00.002-07:002012-06-10T03:38:19.025-07:00ВІДЕО: Лекція Девіда Оста "Поразка солідарності"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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В рамках проекту "Праця і робітничий рух в Україні. Архів і дослідження" в Києві в приміщенні Центру візуальної культури в кінотеатрі Жовтень відбулася лекція Девіда Оста - професора коледжів Гобарта і Вільяма Сміта (Нью-Йорк), "Поразка солідарності: гнів і політика у посткомуністичній Європі".<br />
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Польська профспілка «Солідарність» відіграла ключову роль у переході від планової до ринкової економіки у Східній Європі. Однак, хоча робітники брали активну участь у протестах «Солідарності» наприкінці 1980-х, уже на початку 90-х стало зрозуміло, що вони не виграли від процесів економічної трансформації Польщі, а навпаки - опинилися в програші. Робітники залишилися сам на сам зі своїми проблемами у ситуації зростаючих економічних і політичних нерівностей, відчуваючи гнів та обурення. Врешті-решт, вони відкинули вимоги своїх ліберальних лідерів, відкривши шлях для правих націоналістичних сил. Опираючись на польові дослідження у польських робітничих містечках та інтерв'ю з робітниками, профспілковцями і політиками, Девід Ост показує, яким чином голоси гніву й обурення впливають на політику.<br />
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Центр візуальної культури http://vcrc.org.ua/<br />
Праця і робітничий рух в Україні http://laborarchive.blogspot.com/</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-88190146048192370782012-05-31T01:06:00.002-07:002012-07-12T06:41:06.998-07:00АНОНС: Лекція Девіда Оста "Поразка солідарності: гнів і політика у посткомуністичній Європі"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs9mJDRhc0axtyQN8NBd0EODxX9WbkSgkUqFY5SFLISfhR6XyNJvugCKTqCW7LmYORawB-UiCUYMSQraLMPPKpTaBxnRPi8bI_SfA1fw0IVo63aFNmcpu6xJkc18QrEFoOJv_QlEIL9h4/s1600/ost_ukr.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs9mJDRhc0axtyQN8NBd0EODxX9WbkSgkUqFY5SFLISfhR6XyNJvugCKTqCW7LmYORawB-UiCUYMSQraLMPPKpTaBxnRPi8bI_SfA1fw0IVo63aFNmcpu6xJkc18QrEFoOJv_QlEIL9h4/s200/ost_ukr.jpg" width="141" /></a><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Лекція Девіда Оста, професора
коледжів Гобарта і Вільяма Сміта (Нью-Йорк): "Поразка солідарності: гнів і політика у посткомуністичній Європі"</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Польська профспілка
«Солідарність» відіграла ключову роль у переході від планової до ринкової
економіки у Східній Європі. Однак, хоча робітники брали активну участь у
протестах «Солідарності» наприкінці 1980-х, уже на початку 90-х стало
зрозуміло, що вони не виграли від процесів економічної трансформації Польщі, а
навпаки - опинилися в програші. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Робітники залишилися сам на сам зі своїми
проблемами у ситуації зростаючих економічних і політичних нерівностей,
відчуваючи гнів та обурення. Врешті-решт, вони відкинули вимоги своїх
ліберальних лідерів, відкривши шлях для правих націоналістичних сил. Опираючись
на польові дослідження у польських робітничих містечках та інтерв'ю з
робітниками, профспілковцями і політиками, Девід Ост показує, яким чином голоси
гніву й обурення впливають на політику.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Лекція відбудеться <b>31 травня
2012, четвер, 19:00 у Центрі візуальної культури</b> (вул. Костянтинівська, 26,
кінотеатр «Жовтень») http://vcrc.org.ua/</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-75227391238187640552012-03-15T05:12:00.000-07:002012-07-12T06:58:49.550-07:00«Державі геодезія не потрібна на даний момент. Хоча колись воно вилізе боком»<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghyi3_rAkD0Zz73ZIWBtVnM8wdzT3oGtYBxltz-ilhlDCVdW3b6W1mfCHCgXL-7IKwDrgXSuvi1JHoeYp2Z6NIzFYDC3kuwpWmui_8ymz6vaZ8aUyawwcNPUHSdET3z21mOpvCtMK6_Qzk/s1600/construction1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; display: inline !important; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghyi3_rAkD0Zz73ZIWBtVnM8wdzT3oGtYBxltz-ilhlDCVdW3b6W1mfCHCgXL-7IKwDrgXSuvi1JHoeYp2Z6NIzFYDC3kuwpWmui_8ymz6vaZ8aUyawwcNPUHSdET3z21mOpvCtMK6_Qzk/s200/construction1.jpg" width="200" /></a><br />
Розповідь геодезиста про умови праці та важливість своєї роботи, записана студенткою історії НаУКМА Лідією Зеленською. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.<br />
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Я закінчив топографічний технікум, і після закінчення технікуму, відслуживши в армії, пішов працювати на підприємство. На підприємстві я працюю вже двадцять другий рік. Досить часто, та майже весь час весь літній сезон я проводжу у відрядженнях. Робота подобається – не подобається зарплата. Коли я вибирав цю професію, я нормально заробляв нормальні гроші. Було більш-менш нормально організовано постачання, а зараз це все змінилось у гіршу сторону. У нас після Радянського Союзу розпадатися почало підприємство (воно було раніше на всю Україну велике). І почали мінятися директори, а як людина не має компетенції і працює директором, то вона довалить те, що не довалилось.<br />
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Розкажу в порівнянні. При тому ж самому Радянському Союзі, навіть після розпаду, на початку розпаду виїжджали польові бригади в поле. Знімалася хата в селі, де була база партії, знімалась хата для проживання бригад. Зараз цього нічого не робиться, хату можна вимолити у нашого дорогого директора тільки як похолодає, а так проживаємо в основному в палатках. Звичайно ж, забезпечення не те. Що таке табір в палатках? Як хату ти зачинив і залишив речі, та поїхав на роботу, то табір треба увесь час згортати або залишати когось чергувати. І вибрати нелегко місце для табору. Перед цим ми працювали, в тому році на Луганщині. Район досить густозаселений, місць для того, щоб прожити, дуже мало. Але ми старались, підшукували… Не всі річки, не всі ставки ще приватизовано.<br />
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Палатки, дякувати Богові, нам встиг купити попередній директор. З того часу вони вже по сім - по вісім років зберігаються у тих, хто береже. Їжу? Ой, нам же платять гроші! Нам платять 30 гривень на відрядження в день. На ці гроші ми скидаємось бригадою і закуповуємо їжу, самі готуємо. Ви як думаєте, цих грошей вистачає? Правильно, не вистачає. Згідно з новим наказом гроші за відрядження нараховуються від 30 до 180 гривень в день. Але директор вирішив, що нам 30 гривень вистачає. Зарплата в нас відрядна – що заробив, те маєш. День не вийшов на роботу – і тільки 30 гривень.<br />
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Все залежить від бажання керівника щось робити. Воно ж було інакше. Попередній керівник пішов на підвищення, притяг цього «обормота». Він валить все, що недовалилось. Як людина, маючи три магазина своїх, лишилась без них, керуючи цими магазинами? Можна йому довіряти державне підприємство, як Ви вважаєте? Я думаю, що не можна. Але він має велику підтримку у верхах, тому пробує керувати.<br />
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Він теж, буває, їздить з нами у відрядження. Але він їздить за кордон – у Білорусію, Молдавію, Росію. Там, де у відрядження дають від тридцять до п’ятдесяти доларів на добу. Плюс проживання, звичайно, в готелі: палатці він же жити не буде – там комарі.<br />
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А ми - яка є робота, за таку роботу і чіпляємося. Роботи не так багато, зараз в основному демаркація кордону з Молдавією. Починається демаркація кордону з Росією. Плюс геодезичні роботи різні. Працювали ми й по Києву, не можна сказати, що увесь час у відрядженні. Я за двадцять два роки об’їздив, мабуть, всю Україну – нема такого місця, де б я не був. У великих містах - точно в усіх. Карпатські гори, можна сказати, що всі обійшли ногами, коли відновлювали мережу.<br />
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У колективі у нас усе рівних засадах. Частіше назначають відповідального старшого, який відповідає за роботу, організовує роботу. Як сказати, коректує роботу. Бо буває, що виїжджає не одна бригада, а п’ять – шість бригад, і хтось мусить зводить кінці з кінцями, дивитися, хто куди їде. Тому він називається «керівник проекту» – це людина, яка зводить кінці з кінцями, щоб не вийшло так, що одна бригада виїхала, скажімо так, в точку А, а друга бригада була поряд і вирішила, що їм теж туди треба їхати, і вони поїхали всі разом. Координатор, можна так сказати.<br />
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Він як координатор закриває наряди сам, то додатково й отримує. Та й невелика там різниця – якихось двісті – триста гривень. Тобто на двісті – триста гривень більше від інших працівників. Як такої рознарядки нема, то просто зі згоди колективу каже: «Хлопці, так і так, я дивився за роботою, щоб ви нормально працювали, не було накладок». І закриває собі на двісті – триста гривень більше. Колектив, зазвичай, проти нічого не має. Призначають зверху, щоб було з кого шкуру драти.<br />
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Як хто не буде працювати, то не буде і мати зарплати. У нас ніхто нікого ніде не заставляє. От подумайте самі: я – бригадир, у мене в бригаді один не хоче працювати, а троє працюють. Ну що я закрию тому, хто не хоче працювати, як в мене відрядна оплата? Я йому закрию на тридцять гривень в день, які він отримує за відрядження. Тобто вирішується все на місці: береться коефіцієнт трудової участі. В принципі, в нас хлопці всі працюють давно, так що накладок як таких немає. Прийшов в тому році молодий спеціаліст, після технікуму хлопчина, виїхав він в Одеську область (пощастило, я вважаю) на будівництво стовпів по кордону з Молдавією. Не сподобалось йому: трохи жарко, але ж вода поруч, риби – море, купайся, їж рибу, копай стовпи. Налякали його комарі, через тиждень втік. А спробували його десь в інше місце відправити, він звільнився. Не всім ця робота підходить. У нас зараз наймолодшому із хлопців 28 років, та й останній наплив молоді був років п’ять – шість тому. Але хлопці, в основному, всі порозбігалися. Познаходили місця, де краще платять, де вчасно платять і більші розцінки, де можна їздити так само, але жити не в наметі, а в готелі. Інші фірми, інші керівники. Я ж кажу, що багато залежить від керівника.<br />
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Чому ж я залишаюсь тут? Все ж таки у мене великий стаж. Я ж не кажу, що я залишаюсь. Я шукаю місце, куди піти. Але все ж таки вже віковий критерій: в багатьох фірмах є обмеження. Та й звик я до цього колективу, я ж працюю не з директором, а з колективом. А колектив дуже хороший. Це відіграє велику роль, звичайно. Бо було по-різному, за двадцять років були різні випадки. В хлопцях, з якими я працюю, я впевнений, що вони завжди допоможуть. Надійні просто хлопці.<br />
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Спільність в колективі може через те, що є екстремальні умови праці. От, наприклад, я бачив степову грозу. Кажуть, дощ ллє з відра. А це дійсно з відра, як за півметра від палатки не видно нічого, просто стоїть стіна води. Це було в Каховці. Водій відійшов на десять метрів від машини, зайшов у гараж, ввалив цей дощ, так він машину шукав, напевно, хвилин десять, поки знайшов. Стіна води, не видно нічого. Такі ж екстремальні умови бувають досить часто. В горах потрапляли під дощ, під сніг. В червні місяці піднялися на гору, а нас засипало снігом. В таких умовах і перевіряється людина. А вже як таке витримають і не повтікають, то і втікати негоже. Зате робота тим, хто не повтікали, подобається.<br />
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Я і не помічав такої особливої конкуренції у колективі. Єдине, що вихопити кращий шматок роботи. Бо може бути робота одна, а розцінки - різні. Але це я не вважаю конкуренцією: просто кожна людина хоче краще влаштуватися. А так, в принципі, немає конкуренції. Коли молоді хлопці поприходили, то вони щось пробували, а потім зрозуміли, що конкуруй – не конкуруй, будеш так само ходити по тих самих полях і, може, тобі хтось дасть трохи більше грошей. Через те, вони зрозуміли… Теж, довго не платили зарплату, це було вже при цьому директорі. Через це з молодого колективу залишився лише один хлопець – і тільки через те, що він років з п’ятнадцяти працює. У нього батько працював у нашій галузі, і він з батьком з років чотирнадцяти – п’ятнадцяти. От і звик до цієї роботи. Він працював разом з ним в польових умовах, був помічником у батька. Прийшов він сюди не молодим спеціалістом, а досить непогано підготовленим, мав якесь уявлення про прилади, міг зробити якусь роботу, особливо, якщо його проконтролювати і підстрахувати. <br />
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У кожної фірми свої вимоги щодо віку і досвіду роботи. Буває, що і освіту вимагають. Але в основному затребувані більш молоді. Іде вікове обмеження до тридцяти – до тридцяти п’яти років. Ми маємо вже раніше іти на пенсію, у нас пенсійний вік від п’ятдесяти п’яти років, чоловіки ідуть на пільгову пенсію. Можливо, через це бояться брати. Але пенсійну реформу, я так зрозумів, переглянуть, так що… Не всі фірми бояться. Якщо така робота, як у нас, тобто відрядження, польові дослідження, то там вікових обмежень нема, там спираються на наявність досвіду роботи, знання приладів і досвід виконання різних робіт. І, звичайно, щоб умів ладити в колективі, керувати людьми, домовлятися з ними. Бо в бригаду різні люди потрапляють, а півтора – два місяці прожити в одному кутку – це треба вміти притиратися.<br />
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Я в конфлікти стараюсь не вступати, а як вступаємо, то фізично виходимо. Хто сильніший, а як дядьки можуть виходити? Постукались кулаками, на другий день помирилися, ще й той, хто програв, пробачення просить. Образно кажу. В основному, вирішуються словами: прокричали, посварились і на цьому розійшлись. Все між собою. Ви ж теж повинні розуміти, що в кожного свої проблеми, а коли місяць – півтора живеш в колективі одному, з цими проблемами, далеко від сім’ї, вони назрівають і колись прориває. Хтось більш терпимий, а хтось менш. Розбираємось, нема там нічого складного. До кулаків доходить дуже рідко. Остання бійка років три тому була: два куми між собою звелись. А за що? Бо той побудував на п’ять стовпів більше, ніж другий, заліз на його територію. І за це били одне одному морди. Всі живі, здорові, але не вітаються по сей день. Працюють тут досі обоє. Один працює час від часу, бо в нього село і померла мама – нікому приглядати за хатою. Коли жінка може приглянути за хатою, він виїжджає на роботу. Людина на пенсії, вже розвів собі бджоли, качок, треба нагляд.<br />
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Я зараз не можу сказати про середню спеціальну. Я її отримав при Радянському Союзі. У нас була досить непогана базова освіта, і я прийшов на підприємство - мені треба було показати тільки методику роботи, прилади я знав. Зараз приходять навіть з інституту хлопці, молоді спеціалісти, вони не вміють користуватися навіть елементарними приладами. Треба починати все з нуля. Яка в тієї людини базова освіта була, я не знаю, але нема навіть елементарних навичок.<br />
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Якщо нічого не закінчуєш, то нікуди не підеш без диплому. Я кажу просто, що в них базові знання, може, кращі, ніж у мене. Але в них не було ніякої практики. У нас в технікумі викладали теорію, і під цю теорію підводили ще й практику. Давали попрацювати на різних приладах, подивитися. Може, саму методику роботи ти і не вивчав, бо у нас на підприємстві трохи інакше, ніж в технікумі. Але прилади давали, хто хотів, міг їх вивчити. І навіть на той час, коли я прийшов, у нас був в технікумі один прилад на всіх, а на підприємстві цих приладів було багато. При бажанні можна було їх вивчити. В мене після технікуму з приладами ніяких проблем не було, хоча там вони були не найкращі.<br />
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Держава нас не дуже забезпечує і це не дуже високооплачувана професія. Але все залежить від того, в яку ти фірму потрапив. І розцінки різні за різні роботи. Я знаю просто декілька фірм (туди я не встиг потрапити, не пройшов по віковому критерію): якщо у нас отримуєш тисячу, то у них десь три – три з половиною тисячі гривень. Вони накручують кошторис замовнику і платять більш відсоток від кошторису за виконану роботу. І ми часто в них підробляємо, коли у них спеціалістів не вистачає. По Києву йшла приватизація земельних ділянок, інвентаризація. І коли я у себе на роботі отримував х грошей, то в приватній фірмі я заробляв 3х, або й 4х. В приватній фірмі не було приладів, а так на підприємстві взяв прилад, поїхав наче б то робити квартал підприємства – а сам в цю маленьку фірмочку і працюєш на них.<br />
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Щодо покращення умов праці, то ми будемо міняти самі потихеньку. Змінимо директора і побачимо, як воно буде. Недовго йому, бідненькому, залишилось. Не те, що все крутиться навколо директора: просто людина не вміє керувати і не розуміє, що робить. Я ж пояснюю, що з таким керівником воно так погано й виходить. Коли людина буде на своєму місці і буде розуміти, що вона робить, звісно поміняються і умови роботи. Наприклад, більша оплата залежить від економічного відділу – треба нормально кошторис складати. Але ж ми працюємо зараз за кошторисами, які складені чотири – п’ять років тому. А тоді не введена була індексація (суми доплати на зміну розцінок). У нас, наприклад, зараз бензин іде за кошторисом чотири чи три гривні за літр, а насправді він – дев’ять гривень за літр. Індексацію ніхто не ввів, бо не думав, що це потрібно. Точніше, не подумали. Можливо, що нові домовленості будуть трошки кращі…<br />
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А директор? Я не вз’ївся на директора, просто людина повинна відповідати за свою роботу, і якщо ти на своїй посаді, це не значить тільки віддавати команди, а ще треба вникнути в роботу. Треба старатися допомогти виконувати роботу, а не тільки вимагати від інших. Його нам просто скинули зверху – у нас на підприємстві на кандидатуру директора були більш достойні люди, які теж працювали в полі чимало, і знають саму методику нашої роботи. Керівник має знати роботу і вміти керувати. А у нашого начальства немає ніякого уявлення про це.<br />
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Та й державі геодезія не потрібна на даний момент. Хоча колись воно вилізе боком. Я не знаю, чи зараз ведуться, але раніше велись постійні спостереження за рухами схилів Дніпра в Києві. Раніше вела наша фірма, а потім, може, відійшло якомусь малому підприємству. Безліч таких моментів є. От ми, наприклад, спостерігали за рухом земної кори на Рівненській атомній електростанції. Зараз маємо спостерігати Запорозьку АЕС. Все ж таки це безпека. Після Чорнобиля особливо варто над цим задуматися, тим більше що Рівненська АЕС сидить на розломах тектонічних плит, і карстові порожнини під нею є. Але ми провели чотирирічний цикл спостережень. Ми виїжджали весною і осінню: весною робили спостереження за горизонтальними рухами землі, а осінню – за вертикальними. І протягом чотирьох років, чотирьох циклів дали висновки, які підтвердили, що станція безпечна. Два роки тому ми їздили на контрольний цикл, і знов підтвердилося, що зрушень майже нема.<br />
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Наприклад, завдяки нашому підприємству не відкрили Кримську АЕС. Там дуже цікавий ґрунт. Взагалі, рух по висоті має відповідати майже нулю, а там виявилося, що рух складає півтора – два сантиметра. І люди хотіли будувати на цьому місці АЕС. А рух плити під реактором має допуск 0,05 мм. Різниця велика. Геодезія – це виміри на земній поверхні. Всі топографічні карти теж складені на основі геодезії та топографії. Спочатку виміри, потім маєш якийсь результат.<br />
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</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-8533520112884717612012-02-14T04:37:00.000-08:002012-07-12T06:57:18.074-07:00Інтерв'ю: Невраховані голоси<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXJ8DQBW6nvocUJA2dOyAS6_kjTpHiDaO7mMD8-hH1qXL4zSmx5Stg1ZIUwb9WWkVydKW4BCLwrH4JSme3Fq9ZnpqhBsbU0TqFnDxRdbFsWJ0c7O9OURIXMHUmTOMTkMhVthlHDbbPJoE/s1600/b.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="145" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXJ8DQBW6nvocUJA2dOyAS6_kjTpHiDaO7mMD8-hH1qXL4zSmx5Stg1ZIUwb9WWkVydKW4BCLwrH4JSme3Fq9ZnpqhBsbU0TqFnDxRdbFsWJ0c7O9OURIXMHUmTOMTkMhVthlHDbbPJoE/s200/b.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Інтерв'ю з вуличними торговцями у Києві влітку 2011 року</span> <br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Як корівка доїться, так і я їжджу. У будь-яку пору – що влітку, що взимку. Встаю о третій ранку, виїжджаю о п’ятій тридцять, о восьмій тут. Ночую на вокзалі, бо зранку є поїзд з безкоштовним вагоном для пенсіонерів. У платному залі ночую. Заплатила п'ять гривень і сиди, ніхто тебе не трогає. Там хоч відпочину, бо на базарі весь день на ногах, хіба на кравчучку присісти. Це моя карета! А що, я за своє життя не заробила? Їсти теж отак присяду, витягну, що з дому взяла. Та й тут ходять, продають нам то пиріжки, то кофе. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Важко звичайно, особливо зимою. Бува так холодно, що молоко замерзає. Хтось просить попробувать, ти відкриваєш бутилку, а там лід. То я тую бутилку беру, перевертаю догори дном і за пазуху засовую. Грію, щоб розтало. А бува виїдеш, а тут у Києві дощ як уперіщить! Чи сніг. А додому уже ж не вернешся з пустими руками, треба ж щось уторгувать. Ото і стоїш під дощем, мокнеш, уже і дешевше готовий уступить, аби купили. Раз промокла до нитки, що звонила до сестри моєї невістки, щоб та дала щось сухе передягти. Їхала до неї на окраїну Києва, вона мені якісь старі чоботи дала. Та вони малі на мене були, як я назад додому їхала, то всі ноги до крові здерла.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Що ж, отак потихеньку і торгую. Тут дуже не розкладешся, все міліція ганяє. Висліджують менти нас, а ми їх. Хапаємо швидко все, щось перевертаємо, біжимо. Нас при любій владі ганяють – щоб красиво було. Хоч я тобі скажу, всякі міліціонери бувають. Бува в отдєлєніє забирає, а бува спокійно просить – ви приберіть тут, ми пройдемо, а ви потім далі торгувати будете. То ми отак усе зберемо швидесенько, зайдемо за оцей супермаркет, а потім з другого боку вийдемо і знов розкладемо.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">А взагалі, міліціонер бабу боїться. Каже, помреш в машині по дорозі в отдєлєніє, а мені що робити? Так що я не жаліюсь, хай уже краще ганяють, так принаймні коробельники тут не осідатимуть. А то бува, ми десь місце базарне зробимо, почнемо десь торгувать, і вже коробельники тут як тут! Приїжджають з овочебаз машинами, розставляють свої коробки, зонтік ставлять і уже вони тут хазяї. А як міліція ганяє, то не ставлять, бо як їм то все збирати? Це ми – ноги в руки і побіг. То хай уже краще міліція, ніж коробельники.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Яка, в пизду, політика? Кому політика, а кому якось прожити треба. Оце бачиш, з жінкою тут стоїмо. Я раніше працював на автокрані. Був колись такий Міжколгоспбуд: у вісімдесяті будували колгоспи, у дев’яності – церкви. Зараз стою тут. І влітку, і взимку – з восьмої й до темряви. Взимку ногу обгорну газетою, зверху поліетиленовий пакет, потім шкарпетку, а вже тоді черевик. Вдягну на себе все, що маю, та й картонку від ящика під ноги. Чай, сто грам. Коли вже дуже сильний мороз, то не стою – бо товар мерзне. А так то що хворий, що не хворий, а стояти треба. Ми ж не з села приїждаємо зі своїм, а на овочебазі все купуємо. То вже як купив, то треба продать. А то який сенс? Я тут і за місце плачу, і за камеру при базарі, щоб товар на ніч лишить. Відпустки вже років двадцять не було. Не вийде, навіть якби хотів. Бо забере твоє місце хтось інший, а тоді шукай нове.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Та й заробітку, чесно кажучи, не дуже. Щось відкладемо дітям на навчання. А так - повернути за товар, за місце, за машину, якою все з бази возити... Добре як тисяча гривень лишиться, а бува й того нема. Та ще й товар порчений дають. А ти ж зразу не провіриш кожен ящик. Там на овочебазі неукраїнці працюють, приїжджі різні. Як з ними розмовляти?</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">А жінка моя – вчитель початкових класів. На базарі стоїть на вихідних. Бува мене підміняє, а бува візьме щось і трохи далі стане. У мене по колгоспах під Києвом знайомі лишились, то вони щось теж підвозять, щоб ми продали. Бо їм товаром платять. За десять ящиків зібраних помідорів одинадцятий можеш собі брать. Але вони там розучились робить. Було, пам'ятаю, що я тирсу з лісоповалу в колгоспи возив, нею посипали землю, щоб бур'яни не росли і щоб овочі чистенькі були. Зараз хочуть аби все саме росло. Думають, де б устроїться робить, щоб нічого не робить. Працювать – не працювать, а тільки гроші получать!</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">А ми завжди крутилися, скільки себе пам'ятаю. У дев'яностих як зарплату у школі не платили, то жінка ще й шапки з зайця робила і торгувала, навіть у Москву їздила. Це вона дітей на ноги поставила. Та ще й вишивку продає. Три дні такі: день Києва, день Конституції і день Незалежності. Тоді найкраще купують. Вона і Матінку Божу вишиє як на образах, і рушник. Щоб у кожній хаті висів. Я так рахую - у кожній українській хаті має бути рушник. Не розумію я євроремонтів. Але у неї іноземці в основному купують, наші то слабо.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Анастасія Рябчук і Нікіта Кадан</span><br />
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Малюнки Нікіти Кадана</i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkNc-Pw0HL-_N4jY7X6_VDrkteLgIvGIbZrJnZXezIlorF6FL5AZljExkAPyCHj3GOyE6vrNz31FtF5fb5JaLX621I8O3tU4I9tfoTnNCreKgz34wU3lt9tzPdStW18qNP2kSnL_PTPuU/s1600/a.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="232" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkNc-Pw0HL-_N4jY7X6_VDrkteLgIvGIbZrJnZXezIlorF6FL5AZljExkAPyCHj3GOyE6vrNz31FtF5fb5JaLX621I8O3tU4I9tfoTnNCreKgz34wU3lt9tzPdStW18qNP2kSnL_PTPuU/s320/a.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><br />
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</span></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-25559694673937348232012-01-04T06:29:00.000-08:002012-01-04T06:29:53.234-08:00BARRIERS TO COLLECTIVE ACTION<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: large;">Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">STEPHEN CROWLEY</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Why, despite
tremendous economic hardship, have industrial workers in almost every sector of
the former Soviet Union remained quiescent? Why, despite the disintegration of
the Soviet state, do the same trade unions, formerly dominated by the Communist
Party and largely despised by their constituency, still hold a virtual monopoly
on the representation of workers? As the former Soviet republics confront the
daunting task of economic reform, few questions can be as significant as those
concerning industrial workers, the predominant social group in this still very
industrial society. What effect will privatization, and with it unemployment
and the very probable deindustrialization of the economy, have on the former
Soviet working class? How will workers respond? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This study began as
a look at a small question within a much larger event. The larger event was the
1989 Soviet coal miners’ strike, the first mass industrial strike in the Soviet
Union in over sixty-five years. Over four hundred thousand miners in several
regions and republics seized control of their mines, occupied city squares, and
advanced broad economic demands. The small question was this: why, in such
centers of strike activity as the cities of Donetsk and Novokuznetsk, did
steelworkers remain at the mills? Or put in broader terms, not why was there so
much labor unrest in the Soviet Union, but why was there so little? </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">If the miners' actions
had not continued beyond the first strike, the problem would not seem so
intractable. But the miners formed a self-described workers' movement, and
within two years, in March and April 1991, they renewed their strike with much
more radical goals: they renounced their past economic demands and sought to
lead a general strike aimed at forcing Gorbachev to resign, giving independence
to the republics, and removing the Communist Party from power. Moreover, this
radicalization occurred against a backdrop of political fragmentation and
increasing economic hardship. The miners have since continued their militancy
and strike activity, while steelworkers and almost every other category of
industrial worker have hardly made a sound. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This question of
workers' collective action is addressed through a "most similar case
study" of coal miners and steelworkers. Since these two groups are
involved in heavy industry and are often located in the very same communities,
many variables can be held constant [1]. Moreover, this contrast in behavior
holds in two very different settings-Ukraine and Siberian Russia, located in
different republics and ultimately different states, with sharply contrasting
market positions-allowing for still greater explanatory power. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The present study briefly
enumerates alternative explanations for worker mobilization (which will be
examined in detail following the case studies) and then examines how previous
explanations of the relationship of workers to the Soviet state might account
for the miners strikes. An alter-native perspective is advanced, that of the
"mutual dependence" of the worker and the Soviet state enterprise. It
is argued that due to the short-age economy the worker has been dependent on
the state enterprise for the distribution of goods and services in short
supply, while the enterprise has been dependent on workers in a labor-short
economy. The distribution of goods and services through the workplace in the
former Soviet Union ties workers to the firm and prevents collective action.
Moreover, because the level of these benefits varies from industry to industry
and from firm to firm, it can account for differences in strike activity. This
thesis is examined in case studies of two steel plants, located in the center
of the miners strikes. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">EXPLAINING STRIKES </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">There has been no
shortage of attempts to explain the presence or lack of working-class activism
in certain groups [2]. The present case of mobilization of one group but not
another within the same community leads one first to explanations rooted in
industry. Kerr and Siegel's isolated community thesis has been the classic
explanation for the higher level of strike activity in certain industries. The
fact is explained by the "isolated communities" in which they live,
where "the miners, the sailors, the longshoremen, the loggers ... form
isolated masses, almost a ‘race apart’," and fail to form the cross cutting
cleavages" which characterize the multi-industry town" [3]. A s we
shall see, however, the opposite was the case: miners in multi-industrial towns
were more radical and strike prone than miners in isolated mining communities. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Another potential explanation for collective action in certain groups
is relative deprivation theory [4]. For this explanation, once the predominant
interpretation, to be valid, we would expect miners' conditions to have
objectively deteriorated relative to other workers and for miners to have
experienced a greater subjective sense of deprivation. However, while their
conditions are indeed quite bad, it will be shown that during this period of
dramatic economic decline, steelworkers suffered significant deprivations and
injustices, and the steel plants themselves were centers of serious conflict. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Resource mobilization
theory particularly as employed by Tilly and his collaborators, is more useful
here [5]. This perspective holds that what is necessary is not simply the
desire but the ability to carry out strikes and other collective action with
some chance of success. A related approach has focused on technology and the
resulting organization of work as a source of obstacles or advantages to
workers' collective action. Thus, that "coal miners around the world are
typically the 'aristocracy' of militant labor" is said to be due in no
small part to the fact that in mining, the very nature of the labor
process-such as the extreme danger and the close trust this engenders among work
partners-promotes unity [6]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Conversely, the wide
variety of skills required in a modern integrated steel mill appears to create
obstacles to unity. These differences in skill extend both vertically and
horizontally : job ladders create a greater hierarchy within the basic
professions of steel manufacturing than in coal extraction, and each shop
engages in different tasks, which means that workers often face very different
production problems [7]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">One further
significant technological difference between coal mines and steel mills is
size. While the workforce of a mine ranges in number from one to several
thousand, the giant steel plants in the former Soviet Union can range from
several thousand to over seventy thousand employees. Beginning with Marx, some
have hypothesized that "the larger the factory, the more workers interact
with one another, and the less they interact with their superiors" [8].
Others, to the contrary, cite the collective action problem in arguing that
large plants deter solidarity [9]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">We will return to
each of these potential explanations in the final section of the paper. Here,
however, one needs first to address the institution-al context of the Soviet
political economy to understand why other workers in the now former Soviet
Union have not joined the coal miners in the past four years. Western scholars
have advanced several theoretical models to explain the labor peace in the
post-Stalin era; each suggests a dissimilar explanation for the presence or
lack of strikes in the former Soviet Union [10]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In the totalitarian
view, workers have been deeply alienated, above all by the fear of repression
that kept them from organizing to defend their rights. Consequently one would
expect greater strike activity, since in the absence of state repression,
workers can give voice to dissatisfaction held in for decades [11]. Yet strike activity and worker organization
has been extremely low in most sectors, well after the downfall of the
Communist Party and the Soviet state, suggesting the need for another
explanation. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The most popular
explanation for labor peace in the post-Stalinist Soviet Union has been that of
the "social contract" between the regime and society, of which
industrial workers were among the main beneficiaries [12]. In contrast to the
totalitarian model which has difficulty reconciling continued social peace with
the decline in overt repression, the social contract model emphasizes voluntary
compliance based on the state's ability to "deliver the goods."
Political elites favored blue-collar workers, above all through policies of
frill employment, roughly egalitarian wages, and the toleration of slack work
rules; in return, workers provided the social basis of support for the state. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The problems with
such a conception soon become clear, however [13], in particular, with the
often implicit assumption that Soviet industrial workers were conservative and
supported the status quo. This conception does not accord well with the demands
made by the striking coal miners [14]; nor with the demands of steelworkers who
did not strike. Moreover, this assumption is grounded in the behaviorist
premise that, with the lessening of overt repression, "social peace"
must be explained by voluntary compliance and legitimacy; it misses hidden
sources of conflict and the obstacles to translating consciousness into
collective action. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Others have
suggested an alternative approach, one that might be labeled “workers'
control”. Burawoy and Stark, for example, using a lower level of analysis, both
found sources of conflict despite the lack of strikes or other collective
action [15]. They also built on the insights of Janos Kornai, who argued that
the economic mechanism in state socialist societies that was able to create
stunning rates of growth eventually produced widespread shortages that put a
brake on further growth [16]. The continual shortage of the factors of
production, including labor, created uncertainty in the labor process and in
turn led management to cede control to core production workers. The labor
shortage also removed the sanction of firing workers for breaking work rules or
lowering productivity, furthering workers’ control over the production process. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Accordingly, it is
not elite preferences but the economic system that creates labor and other
shortages and thereby gives workers autonomy. If workers in a capitalist
economy are atomized through labor market com-petition and the continual threat
of unemployment, the situation in state socialist societies has been quite
different. In Hirschman's terms, while workers in these societies have
traditionally been denied "voice," they have used the possibilities
of individual "exit," leaving jobs in a labor-short economy to find a
better deal for themselves elsewhere [17]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">MUTUAL DEPENDENCE </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Yet if workers hold
such power resources, why have there not been more examples of collective
action among workers in these societies, especially when voice became a real
possibility? It is argued here that the worker in a state socialist society has
been in a position of dependence, not simply as an individual dependent on the
state, but as a working person dependent on the place of work-in particular the
industrial enterprise - as the direct provider of one's basic life needs [18].
If a worker in capitalist society received a wage packet and health benefits, a
worker in state socialist society received that and also housing, access to the
enterprise hospital, to day care and other forms of education for one's
children, often employment for one's spouse, trips to rest homes and vacation
centers, and consumer goods ranging from automobiles to perishable food items.
Such a set of ties can be a powerful disincentive to collective action,
particularly when the distribution of these goods and services takes place
largely at the discretion of management and when alternatives are few. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This depiction of
enterprise paternalism is not entirely new. Andrew Walder's account of
"Communist neo-traditionalism" speaks of social and .economic
dependence on the enterprise, political dependence on management, and personal
dependence on one's superiors. Nevertheless, although his book has received
well-deserved praise as a case study of industrial relations in contemporary
China, it does not successfully make the case that his “type-concept” of
Chinese industrial relations is among the "generic features of modern
communism," [19] since unlike the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, China
remains an overwhelmingly peasant society. The implication is that workers have
not faced excess demand for their labor; rather, they have experienced
considerable unemployment. This may explain Walder's rigid model of domination,
which offers little chance for subordinates to escape their plight:
accommodating themselves to the sys-tem is the only option. More recently
Walder has revised his position along the lines suggested here, arguing that
because of the lifetime tenure of Chinese workers in state enterprises,
management is dependent on them and hence must provide a high level of benefits
in order to maintain productivity [20]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Indeed, in the
Soviet Union this dependence has been not simply top-down, but also two-way, or
"mutual": the enterprise is dependent on the worker in an economy
that has created shortages of all inputs, including labor, and workers are
dependent on the enterprise in that virtually all of their life needs are met
through the workplace [21]. Workers have often used the taut labor market to
obtain a better packet of enterprise benefits elsewhere [22], leading managers
to acquire better goods and services in order to retain current workers and
attract others. Not surprisingly, turnover occurs most frequently among young
(and single) workers, in part because the spouse and children of married
workers are also dependent on the enterprise, many seniority rules discourage
turnover, and the wait for housing is several years at the least. Moreover, the
goods and services at the disposal of the enterprise are distributed very
unevenly, in order to retain those skilled workers most needed for production. In
this way the provision of goods and services by the enterprise forms a distinct
version of the internal labor markets found in capitalist firms [23].</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Workers, I argue,
are caught in a collective action problem: the same selective incentives that
enterprise managers have used to prevent workers from acting individually and
seeking work elsewhere can also be used to prevent workers from acting
collectively [24]. While workers everywhere face the problem of collective
action [25], workers in Soviet enterprises have run the risk that an
unsuccessful strike would likely deprive the initiators not only of wages, but
also of housing, day care, summer vacations, and the rest [26]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">How were the miners
able to overcome this dilemma? The distribution of these goods and services is
also highly uneven between industries, depending on the preferences of planners
and the ability of management to barter its product. In some industries and
enterprises workers have been better provided for, while in others, such as
coal mining, workers have had less to lose. Hence, the variation in the level
of this enterprise dependence between industries and even firms can account for
much of the variations in strike activity. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">STEELWORKERS </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The two steel plants
examined here are located in the two epicenters of the miners strikes. The
Soviet economy has been characterized as "a coal and steel economy"
[27], and the two industries remain closely linked in the former Soviet
republics. As a research strategy, it was hoped that the plants' locations, so
close to the miners strikes, would more readily reveal the fault lines of
conflict within the plants. The plants are also located in two very different
regions - the Donbass and the Kuzbass -
which during the course of events examined here became part of different
sovereign states. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The plants
themselves are quite different. The Donetsk Metallurgical Factory (or Donetskii)
was established in the late 1860s by James Hughes, a Scottish entrepreneur.28Th
e plant, like the other old plants in Ukraine, had been rebuilt and enlarged
during the Soviet era but still relies on outdated open-hearth technology. Its
current workforce numbers more than seventeen thousand, quite large by world
standards though not so in the Soviet Union.29 The history of the West Siberian
Metallurgical Complex could not be more different. Whereas blast furnaces have
been fired at Donetskii for over 120 years, West Siberian was constructed in
the 1960s and 1970s. This placed it on the cutting edge of the Soviet steel
industry.30 Steel at the complex is manufactured mainly in oxygen converters rather
than through open-hearth casting. The West Siberian Metallurgical Complex
employs over thirty-two thousand workers. Because workers in both plants acted
similarly despite these strong contrasts in size, age, technology, market
position, region, and ultimately different states, the conclusions about the differences
between steelworkers and coal miners are strengthened. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The following case
studies are based in part on in-depth interviews with steelworkers in both
regions, both worker-activists and workers met at random, and in part, indeed
largely, on a close reading of plant newspapers (mnogotirazhki) during the
two-year period surrounding the miners strikes. The strikes had a strong effect
on these plants, and along with the greater political changes developing
throughout society, helped turn the papers into real forums for debate and even
sources of conflict between management and the workforce. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">From the central press,
one got the impression that steelworkers actively opposed the coal strikes,
which directly affected steel production. In an interesting twist on
working-class rhetoric, telegrams sent to striking miners from steel plants in
1989 and in 1991 appealed to "working-class solidarity" in asking
them to go back to work.31 Closer inspection reveals a more complex picture,
however. These plants were indeed conflict ridden, and the miners strikes shook
them greatly. Strikes occurred at both plants, though they never grew beyond
the level of a single shop. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In fact the West
Siberian complex experienced strikes several months before the July 1989 miners
strike. The first strike was led by an independent "contract brigade,
"which would have been paid handsomely for fulfilling its plan but was
unable to do so because of the lack of materials. The demands quickly went
beyond norms and supplies to questioning why certain categories of workers had
rights to additional holiday pay, while others did not. This strike was
followed a month later by another in a different shop with almost identical
demands. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Still one month
before the miners’ strike, workers in the rail transport shop presented demands
to the administration that were very similar to those the miners would present,
including additional pay for evening and night shifts, an increase in the
regional wage coefficient, and reductions in the number of managerial
personnel. And "to accelerate the resolution of the demands and to not
allow them to be shelved," workers in the shop formed an "initiative
group," an act taken as an implicit strike threat. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">When the first coal
strike broke out in fill in Ukraine and Siberia, both plants held meetings and
passed resolutions stating, "We support the demands, but reject the strike
as a method." "Workers committees" were set up by managers, with
the rather clear goal of extracting concessions from the Ministry of Ferrous
Metallurgy. Workers tried to form genuine workers committees and to lead
strikes, but their efforts were thwarted. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Although neither
West Siberian nor Donetskii (nor any other major industrial plant, for that
matter) struck along with the miners in July 1989, these plants were hardly
without conflict. Clearly, in contrast to the coal mines, the administration
retained the upper hand in steel and other plants; the question remains how it
did so. The explanation given most often by the participants themselves-whether
managers, trade union officials, or worker-activists in favor of a strike-for
the lack of strike activity has to do with the role of these enterprises not
only in producing steel but also in reproducing their labor force, that is, in
providing goods and ser-vices to satisfy virtually all the life needs of the
plant's employees. Moreover, the distribution of these goods and services
created the greatest source of conflict within these enterprises. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">ENTERPRISE
DEPENDENCE </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Soviet industrial
enterprises, in the face of shortages of consumer goods and services, as well
as labor, developed a unique system for providing their workforces with
services, from housing to food [32]. At
the Donetsk plant, as with many others, the factory provided vacations at its
centers on the Azov Sea, the Black Sea, and elsewhere, had a close relationship
with a state farm, as well as a department for subsidiary agriculture. The
enterprise also distributed such scarce durable goods as automobiles. By
providing nurse-care for workers' children and payments for workers' funerals,
the plant's services went quite literally from cradle to grave [33]. Indeed,
the plant directly provides half of the services to its borough, including
housing and transportation to and from work, so much so that it provided a base
for the plant director's successful campaign for the borough seat in the
Ukrainian Congress of Peoples' Deputies [34]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">At West Siberian,
the workforce was even more dependent on the enterprise for goods and services;
located in harsh Siberia and so far from Moscow, the alternatives were that
much starker. At the same time, these conditions increased the difficulty of
attracting and retaining workers. Moreover, with its thirty-two thousand
employees, the plant was twice the size of Donetskii, and its newness and
relative profitability left greater resources at its disposal. If the Donetsk
plant, the biggest in the city, had dominated the borough in which it was
situated, West Siberian was itself the entire borough, unimaginatively named
"Factory Borough." </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The plant controlled
several vacation centers and eight pioneer camps, some as far away as Central
Asia and the Crimea. It had its own state farm, to which various shops sent gas
and other materials, as well as workers at harvest time. As this was apparently
insufficient to feed the workforce, the plant set up a rabbit farm and an
aquaculture program. The entire operation was supervised by the steel plant's
"deputy director for agriculture." Food production was further
expanded when the plant contracted with a Moscow engineering cooperative to
build a shop for producing sausage and other meat products at the plant. In
addition to the plant cafeterias, which provided workers with their main meal
of the day at subsidized prices, the plant had twelve stores selling foodstuffs
inside the production shops and two more selling consumer goods. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This description of
the social infrastructure of these enterprises creates the impression that all
the workers under the wings of the enterprise have been quite well provided
for. But given the enormous size of the workforces involved, these benefits are
rather less impressive when considered on a per capita basis. More importantly,
they were not distributed equally, and therein lies a major source of conflict
within the enterprise, one that workers challenged when the political
opportunity to do so presented itself. This enterprise paternalism has been
closely related to the labor shortage, with privileges distributed above all to
retain the skilled workers most in demand. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Thus, certain
occupations were given privileges in the distribution of housing, consumer
goods, such as cars and TVs, and vacation trips. Machine toolers and pipe
fitters might be given apartments in five years, whereas steel founders and
rollers had to wait ten to fifteen. This sort of uneven distribution was
illegal; what was allowed was privileged distribution to exemplary workers as
defined by management. Other workers greatly resented both forms of privileged
distribution. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The divisions were
not simply between skilled and unskilled workers, but were embedded in a
hierarchy that pervaded the life of the plant. If skilled workers were
privileged because of the need to retain them, service workers peripheral to
production were practically ignored. These latter were primarily women, who
serviced the plant's enormous social infra-structure, as cooks, teachers, and
janitors. Thus, in order to get housing, skilled cooks might leave the plant
cafeterias to work in steel production, where shop bosses, themselves short of
workers, were reluctant to let them return to their former professions [35]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Divisions also
occurred between shops. The economic reform program under Gorbachev not only
devolved some decision-making power from the ministry to the enterprise but
also made each subunit "economically accountable."A s a result, pay
and conditions began to vary widely between shops [36]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">By far the shop in
the worst position at Donetskii was the open-hearth shop, which was over a
hundred years old. During the 1989 miners strike management only narrowly
averted a strike in that shop. Because of outmoded technology, the plan was not
being met, bonuses were withheld, pay declined, and workers left the shop for
jobs elsewhere, creating a vicious cycle. The situation in the shop became so
critical that workers in other shops were asked by the administration to
"render aid" to the open-hearth workers to increase their pay, as if they
were a Third World country [37]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In 1990, almost a
year after the proposal to render aid, the plant's labor council (STK) met to
discuss the tremendous problems of the open-hearth shop. The discussion revealed
the interrelation of production, turnover, and "social" problems. Rather
than production or turnover, "the discussion in the hall began with a no
less important problem today, and one, unfortunately, very interconnected, as
open-hearth workers more than once underlined, with the worsening of production
in the shop. This is the housing problem." According to the steelworkers,
"people are leaving production [work] because of the absence of housing,
[since] the line at the factory stands for fifteen to seventeen years."
After heated discussion, the council decided to grant additional privileges to
steel founders and assistant steel founders (decreasing the wait to five
years), since while "housing, undoubtedly, isn't the only cause [of the
shop's problem], it's one of the main problems" [38]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Many workers opposed
this method of solving the labor shortage through the privileged distribution
of housing, and fought for a single line for housing. For if the distribution
of housing was connected in the eyes of management with turnover, it was
connected in the eyes of the workforce with social justice, which meant
distribution according to a single line, rather than according to one's
position in the labor market or to one's status as an exemplary worker
(peredoviki). </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">At West Siberian it
was asked, "Why does belonging to a certain profession (machine tool
operator, wire drawer, metal worker) become the basis for receiving an
apartment at the front of the line? Why are rollers, steel founders, and
members of other professions worse?"[39]. At West Siberian the fight for a
single line for housing led to a protracted struggle within the enterprise, which
divided workers-the privileged and not-as well as workers and management, but
eventually the supporters of the single line prevailed. At Donetskii, the
conflict remained one over which categories of workers should be admitted to the
privileged housing line [40]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Oddly enough, as
market pressures increased, the steel plants began to devote more and more
attention to activities outside of steel production. This was especially so at
West Siberian, one of the newest and most profitable in the industry. In 1990
the plant contracted with a Turkish firm to construct a surgical wing for the
borough hospital. With the help of a German firm and a Yugoslavian construction
team, the plant began building a large furniture factory inside the steel
complex, with the first output earmarked for workers. In July 1990 it was said
that "the production of consumer goods is occupying an ever larger place
in our plant's activities." The plant opened a shop for assembly of
electronic devices, including VCRs. "This year the shop will produce
10,000 VCRs, and the next year 20,000" [41]. Since the local housing
construction agencies had fallen apart for lack of materials and especially
workers, the plant, with the help of foreign expertise, created its own construction
firm [42]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Even in 1993, after
the downfall of the Soviet Union, these steel plants continued to increase the
provision of goods and services. Donetskii increasingly used barter deals to
provide consumer goods to employees who could not afford the spiraling prices
on the market, while West Siberian built a savings bank, a shoe factory, and a
brewery at the plant, and also assured its employees that no one would be left
without a job [43]. In all this, talk of investment to increase steel production-the
plant's raison d'etre - was played down, though this would seem all the more
compelling under market conditions. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">THE TRADE UNION </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In theory, workers
had an array of organizations charged with defending their rights. Besides the
Communist Party, they were represented by the trade union and the Council of
the Labor Collective (STK). In reality, however, most workers saw these groups
as part of the problem rather than as its solution. The striking feature of the
Communist Party organizations in the enterprise during this period is how
little they seemed to matter as they withered and disappeared. Though party
activists continued to participate in plant meetings, the party committee
itself began to withdraw quietly into the background at Donetskii, while at
West Siberian it found itself increasingly on the defensive, as the Kuzbass
miners began calling for removal of the Communist Party from all enterprises.
When both were removed after the August 1992 putsch, their absence was not
readily apparent. The Communist Party was not the only organization forced to
justify itself in the face of the miners strikes and wider political change,
the STKs-intended to increase workers' self-management-were also called into
question. They spent most of their time handling the distribution of the
plants' goods and services. As such, they failed to define a role for
themselves distinct from the trade union. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Indeed, it was the
official trade union, still dominant at these and most other plants, that was
most fully integrated into the system of enterprise dependence. For instance,
at Donetskii, less than three weeks after the region's coal miners had first
filled city squares and seized control of mines, the trade union committee met
to discuss fulfilling the plan. The trade union chair announced, "In July
there were twenty absences from work, twenty-eight violations of public order,
and twenty-two cases of drunkenness.' The results of the latest round of
socialist competition were announced: the winning brigades received red
banners, a diploma, and a small monetary prize" [44]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">But rather than
dealing with production questions, the trade unions spent most of their time
handling the distribution of the plant's goods and services. Even before the
miners’ strike, one trade union official at West Siberian criticized the union
in the following fashion:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;"> It's no secret that some trade union
representative see their basic function as distributive, letting the main
problems get out of control, which immediately leads to conflicts between
workers and management.... In the course of many years, people began to relate
to the trade union in a purely consumer sense. The distribution of this or that
good ... became the chief indicator of the work of the trade union. The most
important questions, such as workers' safety, pay and rate setting, fell to
second place. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">After the miners
strikes, the trade unions began to speak increasingly of defending the rights
of workers. Yet, in practice this meant increasing the amount of goods handed
out rather than worrying about safety, wages, and norms. For example, two
months after the miners first struck, at a plant wide conference at Donetskii
to elect a new trade union chair (the old one was reelected), a delegate from
the casting shop raised some serious issues: due to the lack of steel, his shop
had not fulfilled the plan for the second month, thereby cutting workers' wages
drastically. This apparently did not concern the trade union, however. "As
for the trade union committee," he added, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">it has solved the
problem of the family vacation center on the Azov Sea. I consider this a social
victory for the trade union committee. And our children vacation at the pioneer
camp "Metallurgist.". . . Now many are saying that the trade union
should not be occupied with the problems of providing workers with potatoes,
meat, soap. But who will take care of these problems? I consider this the trade
union committee's job [45]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Others were not so
sure [46]. As workers learned more about how goods and services were distributed
within the enterprise, the trade unions became mired in scandal and workers
came increasingly to resent those who were supposed to represent them. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Over a year after
the miners first struck, little had changed. One dele-gate to a congress of the
steelworkers union, which had promised big changes, reported back: "It
became clear, very clear, what trade unions do. Now, we must look truth in the
eye, we devote ourselves to handing out tobacco and candy, distributing
consumer goods in short supply and so forth-anything but defending the
interests of workers." Another delegate said, "With such 'defenders,'
life will be very difficult under the market" [47]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">ANALYSIS </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Steelworkers did not
join the miners in striking, forming independent trade unions, and pressing
political demands on the government, I argue, because most industrial workers
in the Soviet Union, and now in the successor states, have found themselves in
a collective action problem. If all workers in a plant struck, they would all
be better off, since they would be able to control the distribution of goods
and services within the enterprise, much as the miners had done [48]. But if
one or more workers tried to lead a strike and failed, they would likely lose
access to the privileges distributed by management. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">As a steelworker
from Magnitogorsk told an American historian: "We're completely dependent
on them. Food, clothes, apartments, furniture, day care, summer camps,
vacations-everything is allocated by them according to their lists, with which
they rule over our lives. Everyone has something to lose " [49]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Explaining why the
miners were the first to break out of this dilemma is not so hard. In many
respects, strikes by the coal miners are over-determined. There is indeed
something unique about the labor process in coal mining, with its dangerous underground
work; and this very likely fosters professional pride and solidarity. But more
important are the specifics of the Soviet coal industry. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">As far back as the
late 1950s, when planners gave priority to oil and gas, “a brake was applied to
the development of the coal industry” [50]. From this there emerged a whole
series of problems, not least of which were the extremely hazardous conditions
under which Soviet miners were forced to work. While mining everywhere is
dangerous, the problem became particularly acute in the Soviet Union. Accident
rates there were extremely high-much higher than in the next most dangerous
industry, steelmaking; or as the miners put it, for every million tons of coal extracted,
one miner paid with his life [51]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Declining investment
created difficulties not only with working conditions, but also with
"social problems," like housing, day care, and the rest. Miners'
living conditions were often appalling: in the Kuzbass and Vorkuta, for
instance, miners and their families often lived in barracks, some of which were
left over from Stalin's gulags. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Moreover, the
problems in the Soviet coal industry only deepened with the first attempts at
economic reform. The introduction of full khozraschet, or self-financing, was
intended to increase management's concern with profits and losses; but since it
was not accompanied by price reform, it created a perverse effect, particularly
in the coal industry. In order for the administrative prices in the Soviet
system to balance, state purchase prices for raw materials had to be set
extremely low, so that the prices of producer and consumer goods could also
remain low, even after the prices reflected some of the added value. This meant
that the price a mine received for one ton of coal-the official wholesale
price-was roughly one-half the cost of extracting it, making the coal industry
the only "planned-loss" branch in the country [52]. Since under
khozraschet bonuses and social expenditures were intended to come out of plant
profits, the already austere living conditions of the Soviet coal miners were
strained even further. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Although this seems
to be a case of relative deprivation, there are problems with such an argument
in this context. First, the miners themselves felt the changes in investment
patterns only very gradually. Second, in the case studies of the steel plants
and in interviews with steelworkers met randomly, the sense of anger,
frustration, and deprivation is quite clear. The very same issues raised by
coal miners are raised forcefully by steelworkers again and again [53]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">More importantly, miners
have been the highest paid of any category of industrial worker; at the time of
their first strike they were making almost twice as much as the average
steelworker. Due to decreased investment in social infrastructure, however, coal
mines had fewer goods and services to distribute to their workforce. While
industrial-level data on social infra-structure does not exist, regional-level data
shows this to be the case, as in the following graphic statistic: the Kemerovo
region of Siberia (Kuzbass), Russia's largest coal basin, ranked thirteenth in
1989 in industrial production in rubles, even at artificially low prices for
coal, but was forty-third in the provision of housing, fifty-eighth in
children's establishments, and eighty-ninth for social clubs.54I n an
examination of housing units built in 1979 in twenty-eight large Soviet cities,
Donetsk, the coal capital of Ukraine, was twenty-third; it was greatly outpaced
not only by the Ukrainian cities of Kiev and Kharkov but also by the nearby
metallurgical center of Dnepropetrovsk, which came in first out of all
twenty-eight cities [55]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Thus, steelworkers were
compensated with low wages and high in-kind benefits, making them more
dependent, while coal miners were compensated with a low level of goods and
services but high wages, giving them greater autonomy. The strategy some
workers pursued was to begin their career as a highly skilled steelworker, get
an apartment quickly on a privileged basis, and then to leave for the coal
mines, getting both the apartment and the high wage [56]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">How did compensation
with high levels of in-kind benefits create greater dependence than high wages
in rubles? First, when workers are tied to a job through a paycheck alone, this
"cash nexus" becomes a fragile connection because it is a single
strand: a disruption in wage levels can quick-ly transform quiescent workers
into militant ones [57]. Second, unlike many of the benefits distributed
through the enterprise, wages can be saved to be spent later, for example, when
scarce goods became available or during a strike. Third, wages have been easier
to replace, even in the event of losing one's job, than in-kind benefits. Due
to the labor shortage, workers fired for disciplinary reasons were able to find
new employment soon thereafter, in many cases at higher wages than in their
previous jobs.58 But for a work-er who had invested years waiting for an
automobile or an apartment and was nearing the top of the list, loss of the
position in line would be a terrible blow [59]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Alternative
arguments remain, in particular, those pertaining to the technology of
production and the resulting organization of work. Arguably, if the labor
process in mining fosters solidarity, the workforce in a modern integrated
steel mill is more stratified-along job ladders and across shops-lessening the
potential for solidarity. While this argument appears forceful, there are
reasons to question several of its assumptions. First, the steel industry is
highly strike prone in some countries but not in others [60], suggesting that
such factors as unions, the state, and cultural and other institutions are more
important than technology. Moreover, as Katherine Stone has argued with
reference to the origins of job structures in the American steel industry,
there was actually a "lack of important skill differentials between the
jobs in steel-making"; and furthermore, those job ladders and classification
schemes that did arise were largely artificial constructs of management, rather
than the result of technological imperatives [61]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In the present case,
moreover, the divisions that occurred among workers were most salient for the
workers themselves when the privileged distribution of goods and services was
involved. The in-kind benefits distributed within the enterprise greatly
facilitated the creation of an internal labor market in several ways. This
privileged distribution allowed managers to respond to a taut labor market, for
skilled labor especially, despite the often rigid central determination of wage
structures. Further, while workers often knew what other workers were receiving
in their monthly paycheck, the privileges entailed in the distribution of
benefits according to lists were a mystery. In fact, the sharpest conflicts at
these two steel plants during this time occurred when workers first tried to
apply" openness" (glasnost)t o the system of privileged distribution
and then tried to remove those privileges. Hence, many of the demands raised by
steelworkers, as well as miners, concerned not higher wages and benefits but
information on the economics of their enterprise and the system of
intra-enterprise distribution. Even as management attempted to use the goods
and services at its disposal to respond to the taut labor market, it tried to
hide that fact from a workforce whose sense of justice includes the notion of
pay according to labor. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">One further
significant difference between the coal mines and the steel mills examined here
is size. The lack of full-scale strike activity at these huge plants would seem
to be a confirmation of the thesis that large plant size is an obstacle to
collective action. Indeed, in terms of its workforce a mine is more comparable
to a single shop than to an entire steel complex. Stated this way, however, the
explanation is insufficient. While the difficulties in communicating and
organizing activity between the shops of these large plants would certainly be
significant, this was no less an obstacle than that originally faced by miners
in separate mines. Yet these miners combined: while only several individual
mines struck in the spring of 1989, by July the Mezhdurechensk miners had set
off a ripple effect throughout the Soviet Union [62]. By contrast, individual
shops struck in the two steel plants studied, both before and after the miners,
yet they failed to spark similar actions in other shops. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Typically missing
from discussions of plant size and collective action is the corresponding size
of management in these large plants. According to one steelworker: </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">We're all in one
group, in one place, with one boss [kulak] ... if some kind of revolt begins in
one shop, then the administration tries to somehow pacify it, and somehow
frighten workers with its actions, so there is no solidarity. Here I'll give
one example from my own shop: when the shop announced that there would be a
strike, then the administration literally immediately got together and there
was a leaflet sent around, that participants in the strike will suffer this,
and this, and this punishment: lose their wages, lose subsidies for their
children, then all the privileges that workers get [63]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">As we have seen in
the cases of the two steel enterprises, management - at both the shop level and
the enterprise level-intervened often to maintain control over the plant and
its workforce. And yet, as the last part of the above quotation indicates, the
issue was a question not simply of management domination but also of the levers
that it wielded: the privileges extended to workers to prevent them from acting
individually (to take advantage of the taut labor market to exit) can also be
used to prevent them from acting collectively. Once again, we return to the
importance of mutual dependence. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">One might argue that
we are left with partial explanations. Even the "most similar cases"
of coal mining and steelmaking still leave many differences in the work
experiences of the two groups, which may account for differences in strike activity.
How can one untangle these alternative explanations? Fortunately, for present
purposes, the most similar comparative case method can be pursued even further to
include counterexamples - coal mines that did not strike. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Participation during
the 1991 strike was spotty: some mines joined in the middle of the strike,
others dropped out, and still others produced coal for local use with the
blessing of the strike committee.t5 There were also mines that did not strike
at all. Though the mines that did not strike were often quite different from
one another, they all shared a common characteristic: the enterprises were all
linked to a trading partner in such a way that a strike would cut off the
provision of vital goods or services to the workforce. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Three types of mines
fall in this category. One group of mines less prone to strike, as described
above, consisted of those that made up the very "isolated
communities" that were expected to be most strike prone. These mines often
had close links with nearby state or collective farms that pro-vided foodstuffs
to the workforce. Had the mines struck, they would have violated their
contracts with these farms and in turn would have lost their source of food
supplies, especially hard to obtain in industrialized coal basins. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">A second group of
mines that did not strike were those, more often located in urban areas, which,
either through rich geological endowments or through managerial skill, had
created links not only with state farms but with producers of consumer goods.
These arrangements typically involved barter deals that provided scarce and
valuable goods, including VCRs and foreign cars. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">One such mine,
Zasiad’ko, is something of a local legend in the city of Donetsk.65 During the
1991 strike, in an article entitled "Why the Zasiad'ko Mine Is Not
Striking," a coal face worker explained how the mine, through the work of
its director, had developed "an entire trade and industrial complex"
that included contracts with trade organizations for clothes, shoes, furniture,
and automobiles, while barter deals provided the miners with cassette players, VCRs,
and televisions at subsidized prices. To transport all these goods, the mine
had obtained its own truck depot, and to improve export prospects, it had joined
with other enterprises in purchasing a freight ship.66A s for striking, the
face worker explained: </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">We ... well
understand that if we shut down the mine, we will worsen our material position,
since no one will pay our wages.... There will be no means to maintain the
sanitoria, meat and vegetables will disappear, housing construction will stop,
the day care centers will close. What's more, our trading partners will demand
our forfeiture. We will suffer enormous losses [67]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">A third category of
mine that did not participate in the 1991 strike included those controlled by
the miners themselves, as a result of their earlier strike. Some of these
miners had created joint-stock companies with foreign partners, which could
promise a relatively high standard of living for all employees. One
miner-activist, Yurii Gerol'd, managed to achieve this for his mine. Gerol'd
was elected chair of his mine's STK after the July 1989 strike, although he had
only just started working there as a foreman. Young and forceful, he was immediately
elected deputy chair of the Kuzbass regional strike committee and helped
prepare the protocol, signed by the miners and the government commission, that
ended the strike. He was later elected co-chair of the Confederation of Labor,
as well as a people's deputy of the Russian Federation, the latter on a program
of "enterprise independence" and end to "the alienation of the
working person ... from the product of his labor" [68]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">By March 1991, when
the Kuzbass miners were striking to bring down the Soviet government, Gerol'd
resigned from the city and regional strike committees and the Confederation of
Labor (although he remained a people's deputy).H is mine, Polosukhinskaya,
continued to operate. Remaining true to his principles of creating independence
and ending labor's "alienation," at least in one mine, Gerol'd had
sought and helped find a foreign partner for a joint-stock company, which promised
a relatively high standard of living for all of Polosukhinskaya's employees.
Participation in the strike would have meant an end to the joint-stock
arrangement. Thus, Gerol'd and his colleagues were faced with a choice between
maintaining solidarity and remaining part of the workers' movement, or keeping
their relative prosperity and independence-the final goal, in the miners' eyes,
of their political strike against the Soviet government. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The common
denominator for each of the three categories of mines was a contract
arrangement with horizontally linked trading partners, which provided the
mines' employees with goods and services at levels significantly higher than
those of the average mine. Of course, miners who did strike sacrificed a good
deal. But while striking miners were provided with a strike fund, however
meager, these contract arrangements provided miners with goods and services that
a strike fund could not buy [69]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Thus, even across
firms in the same industry, dependence on the enterprise as the distributor of
vital goods and services has remained a strong inhibitor of strike activity and
workers' collective action. Can the lack of a high level of enterprise
dependence account for strikes in industries other than coal mining? While a
definitive answer lies outside the scope of the present study, a look at the
industries and sectors where strike activity has occurred suggests that this
may indeed be the case. As we have noted, the provision of goods and services
at the disposal of an enterprise varies greatly across enterprises as well as
across industries. While some strike activity has occurred in sectors that
control a valuable product which can be sold for high prices on the market-for
example, among oil and gas workers and gold and silver miners-most strike
activity, outside of coal mining, has occurred among transportation workers (railroad
and public transport workers, dock workers, merchant marines) and white collar
employees (doctors, teachers, and air-traffic controllers) [70]. While there
may be alter-native explanations for strikes among these particular workers, all
lie out-side the traditional heavy industrial sector, where worker collective
action could be expected to occur and where enterprise goods and services have
been concentrated. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Just how
generalizable is the concept of "mutual dependence" to other former
communist societies? The dependence of the worker and the state enterprise is a
product of the shortage economy, itself a result of economic centralization.
Thus, where the economy has been more centralized, such as in Bulgaria or
Romania as well as the Soviet Union, one would expect this mutual dependence to
be stronger than in a relatively less centralized economy, such as in Hungary
or Poland [71]. Moreover, shortages, especially in the consumer sector, were
alleviated to a greater extent in some Eastern European societies through
private farming, toleration of petty entrepreneurship, and the shorter legacy
of Communist Party rule. This independent economic activity also extended to the
social realm, where independent institutions created greater social space.
Hence, workers in Poland were able to overcome dependence on the workplace and
act collectively due to greater alternatives and the space provided by such
institutions as the Catholic church [72]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">What are the
implications of this system of enterprise distribution? First, it is time to
reconsider some of the conceptions used by Sovietologists to explain the
relative labor peace and the compliance of workers and other groups in Soviet
society. The totalitarian perspective emphasized the domination of the
Communist Party, but as we have seen, many of the institutions within state
enterprises have survived the down-fall of the Communist Party and, indeed, of
the Soviet state. On the other hand, the antithesis of the totalitarian
perspective, the social contract approach, assumed that the quiescence of
labor, in the absence of terror, signified voluntary compliance, largely
because the distribution of goods and services throughout Soviet society appeared
to favor blue-collar laborers. Yet we have also seen that the distribution of
these goods and services, especially through the industrial enterprise, was
itself the source of great conflict. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The concept of
"mutual dependence" has been proposed here to explain the
relationship of the industrial worker to the Soviet enterprise. Although we
have emphasized the dependence of the worker on the enterprise in order to
explain why steelworkers and others did not strike, the other side of this
equation should not be underestimated. It was the shortage of workers that
compelled managers to increase the supply of housing and other benefits at
their disposal. And while these emoluments may have reduced turnover and
prevented strikes, managers, faced with such a short-age and the need to meet
the plan, were much less able to control workers on the shop floor. Conversely,
as the labor shortage disappears and is replaced by a labor surplus, the
relative position of workers will decline further. It is far from certain that
workers will be compensated for the loss of the exit option with a gain in
their ability to use their voice. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Thus, the Soviet
institution of distributing social services through the workplace will very
likely affect the course of reform efforts, and the concept of mutual
dependence suggests some hypotheses concerning the economic and political transformation
in the former Soviet Union. One of the major obstacles to the privatization of
the state sector remains the absence of viable substitutes for the enterprises
now supplying vital services to a large part, perhaps a majority, of the
population. To cut credits to these enterprises, forcing many to close, would
deprive their workers not simply of wages and benefits (which could be replaced
temporarily at least by unemployment payments), but also of access to housing,
health care, child care and important sources of food and consumer goods as
well. Other alternatives are not currently feasible: private providers of such
services would have to charge prices beyond the reach of their potential
customers; and local governments are reluctant to take on more burdens, as they
are already dependent on taxes from these very enterprises for even the paltry
services they now provide. Thus one hypothesis would be that privatization (and
the closure of unprofitable enterprises) will be most difficult in the
Soviet-style company towns, where one or more enterprises provide virtually all
social services to the urban population [73]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Moreover, the system
of enterprise distribution also explains the continued domination throughout
the former Soviet Union of the once official trade unions. Because the trade
unions are the distributors of housing, automobiles, and televisions, as well
as pensions and sick pay, workers have been afraid to sign a form stating they
wish to leave the old trade union [74]. Thus, these trade unions have survived
the collapse of the Communist Party and the state, even though they are generally
abhorred by their constituency. They hold a virtual monopoly on workers' representation
and are attempting to form corporatist bargains in their name with the state [75].
Therefore, a further hypothesis would
propose that the former state trade unions will continue to flourish until the
state(s) finds an alternative mechanism for performing the social-welfare functions
currently handled by the trade unions (with the corollary that alternative
trade unions, in order to compete for members, will have to perform these same
functions) [76]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">The dissolution of
the Soviet Union and the collapse of the central allocation economy has
affected the paternalism of state enterprises in contradictory ways. Some
enterprises, deep in debt and unable to obtain sufficient credits, have simply
abandoned many of the former services (such as vacation centers), leaving
workers to fend for themselves. Other enterprises, such as those in the coal
and steel industries examined here, have actually increased their provision of
goods and services in the face of continued shortage, spiraling prices, and the
inability of local governments to provide additional services [77]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">Why might managers
continue to expend valuable resources on procuring goods and services for the
workforce, especially when market pressures are increasing and the threat of
unemployment is replacing the labor shortage? Walder has recently argued that
in China, despite considerable market reform and high unemployment, the
position of state enterprise manager remains as much a political position as an
economic one. The enterprise itself comprises a "socio-political
community' that places considerable pressure on managers from below. Thus,
managers must be concerned not only with maximizing profits, but also with
"enhancing employee income and . .. delivering a wide range of other
benefits and services to their employees" [78]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In the former Soviet
Union such positions have become even more directly political. As noted above,
the director of the Donetskii steel plant was elected to the Ukrainian Supreme
Soviet, joining many other industrialists who have formed powerful blocs in the
Ukrainian and Russian parliaments [79]. While striking miners in most cases
removed their old directors and elected new ones, Donetskii's Sledenev used his
plant's largesse to get himself elected political representative from the
borough. He has since used his new political position to seek contacts, both
foreign and domestic, for expanding the economic base on which his power rests
[80]. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This ability of
managers to maintain political control of the enterprise also helps explain why
most directors prefer privatization plans that give large numbers of shares to
the labor collective. Managers clearly believe that far from leading to direct
worker ownership, this is the best way for them to remain in command [80]. This
leads to a further hypothesis: current plans for "employee ownership"
through the purchase of majority shares in joint-stock companies will give
workers de jure control of the enterprise but will remain a formality, just as
did the Gorbachev-era law on electing enterprise managers. (To this should be
added the corollary that, just as the coal strikes transformed the enterprise
election law into a source of real power for the miners, enterprises experiencing
strikes under such an ownership system could result in de facto workers'
control) [82]. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">In the longer term, the
future of enterprise dependence is limited, even if it is difficult to
determine when the longer term might arrive [83]. If credits to state
enterprises are eventually cut off, leading to bankruptcies and full-scale
unemployment, it would eliminate the main reason for enterprises to supply
workers with goods and services in the first place-to attract and retain
skilled workers in a taut labor market. At the same time, unemployment and the
uncertainties of a market economy would likely create new obstacles to, as well
as opportunities for, workers' mobilization. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">If the concept of
mutual dependence is historically limited, it is theoretically limited as well.
Structural and rational-actor perspectives, on which the concept of mutual
dependence has drawn, have been helpful in explaining how individuals are or
are not able to overcome obstacles to collective action. Yet the rational actor
approach-assuming preferences as static and indifferent to ideology - is rather
less helpful in explaining what occurs once individuals do act collectively.
For example, such individual-level, rational choice analysis does not account
for how the coal miners, once mobilized, transformed their objectives from
supporting "perestroika from below" to trying to bring down the Soviet
state. But that is a topic for another paper.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">* Research for this
article was made possible by an SSRC/IREX Fellowship for Soviet Sociological
Research. The author would also like to thank the following for their
suggestions and comments: William Bianco, Michael Burawoy, Paul Christensen,
Zvi Gitelman, Jerry Hough, Michael Kennedy, Herbert Kitschelt, Anna Temkina,
and William Zimmerman.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">NOTES</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[1] Why choose
steelworkers even though their work regime is not entirely similar to that of miners?
As mentioned, they are located in the same regions and communities. Second, the
two production processes are linked, since coking coal is a major component of
steelmaking, steelworkers were thus directly affected by the coal strikes, as
well as more generally by the economic downturn. More importantly, steelworkers,
like miners, were at the core of the once privileged Soviet proletariat, comprising
a major part of the country's coal and steel economy. If the miners were to
form a "workers' movement," as they professed to be doing, they
understood that steelworkers had to play an integral role. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[2] For a
particularly useful review of the literature, see Gordon Marshall, "Some
Remarks on the Study of Working Class Consciousness," Politics and Society
12, no. 3 (1983). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[3] Clark Kerr and
Abraham Siegel “The inner-industry propensity to strike”, in Kerr, ed., Labor and
Management in Industrial Society (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1964), 109,
111; Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, enlarged
ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981); David Lockwood,"
Sources f Variation in Working-Class Images
of Society," Sociological Review 14
(November 1966). This perspective has met with a good deal of criticism, for
its highly structural nature, for its assumption that radicalism develops in
isolation rather than in interaction with other perspectives and ideas, and for
the fact that the inter-industry propensity to strike has varied greatly over
time. However, the Soviet case would seem to provide another example supporting
the thesis of the isolated community. Paul K. Edwards, "A Critique of the
Kerr-Siegel Hypothesis of Strikes and the Isolated Mass: A Study in the
Falsification of Sociological Knowledge," Sociological Review 25 (August
1977); Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France, 1830-1968
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), esp. 287-95; James E. Cronin,
"Theories of Strikes: Why Can't They Explain the British Experience?"
Journal of Social History 12, no. 2 (1978-79); Howard Kimmeldorf, Reds or Rackets?
The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988), 13-15. For recent support of the
isolated community thesis, see the discussion in Albert Szymanski, The Capitalist
State and the Politics of Class (Cambridge, Mass.: Winthrop, 1977), chap. 3. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[4] Ted Robert Gurr,
Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[5] Shorter and
Tilly (fn. 3); Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-
Wesley, 1978). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[6] Michael Yarrow,
"The Labor Process in Coal Mining: The Struggle for Control," in
Andrew Zimbalist, ed., Case Studies in the Labor Process (New York: Monthly
Review Press, 1979), 187; see also Shorter and Tilly (fn. 3), 13. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[7] Kerr and Siegel
(fn. 3), 110. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[8] Szymanski (fn.
3), 63; see also Lipset (fn. 3), 252. For Marx, see "Revolution and
Counter- Revolution in Germany," in Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers,
1969). For some empirical support, see Richard F. Hamilton, Affluence and the
French Worker in the Fourth Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1967), 205-28. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[9] Shorter and
Tilly (fn. 3), 15. Russell Hardin, Collective Action (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1982), 222-23. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[10] See the
discussion of alternative views on Soviet industrial relations in Peter
Rutland, "Labor Unrest and Movements in 1989 and 1990," Soviet
Economy (December 1990), 193-95. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[11] Joseph Godson
and Leonard Shapiro, eds., The Soviet Worker (London: MacMillan, 1981). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[12] Walter Connor, The Accidental Proletariat (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1991); Linda J. Cook, "Brezhnev's' Social Contract' and
Gorbachev's Reforms”, Soviet Studies 44,
no. 1 (1992); Janine Ludlam," Reform and the Redefinition of the Social
Contract under Gorbachev," World Politics 43 January 1991); Peter
Hauslohner," Gorbachev's Social
Contract," Soviet Economy 3 , no. 1 (1987); George Breslauer, "On the
Adaptability of Soviet Welfare-State Authoritarianism," in Erik Hoffman
and Robin F. Laird, eds., The Soviet polity in the modern era (New York:
Aldine, 1984), Stephen White, "Economic Performance and Communist
Legitimacy," World Politics 38 (April 1986). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[13] Beyond the fact
that this was a contract that was never negotiated, let alone ratified, by the
two parties, there is a deeper problem. Within this conception, there is no
theory of the power of the social groups, such as workers, that could explain why
they were the "Winners" in this bargain, other than "the regime's
de facto preference for certain groups' interests over others." Hauslohner
(fn. 12), 59. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[14] Rutland (fn.
10); Theodore Friedgut and Lewis Siegelbaum, "Perestroika from Below: The
Soviet Miners' Strike and Its Aftermath," New Left Review, no. 181 (Summer1
990); Stephen Crowley, "From Coal to Steel: The Formation of an
Independent Workers' Movement in the Soviet Union, 1989-1991" (Ph.D.
diss., University of Michigan, 1993). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[15] See Michael
Burawoy and Pavel Krotov, "The Soviet Transition from Socialism to
Capitalism: Worker Control and Economic Bargaining in the Wood Industry," American
Sociological Review 57 (February1 992); Burawoy and Janos Lukacs, The RadiantP
ast: Ideology and Reality in Hungary's Road to Capitalism (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1992); Burawoy, The Politics of Production (London: Verso
Press, 1985); David Stark, "Organizational Innovation in Hungary's Emerging
Mixed Economy," in Stark and Victor
Nee, eds., Remaking the Economic Institutions (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 1989); idem, "Rethinking Internal Labor Markets: New Insights from
a Comparative Perspective," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (1986), 492-504. 16 Kornai, The Economics
of Shortage( Amsterdam: North Holland, 1980). See the summary of his work in
David Stark and Victor Nee, "Toward an Institutional Analysis of State
Socialism," in Stark and Nee (fn. 15), 16-20. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[17] Albert
Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms,
Organizations and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970). For a
slightly different application of this concept, see Stark and Nee (fn. 16); and
George Bergsten and Russell Bova, "Worker Power under Communism: The
Interplay of Exit and Voice," Comparative Economic Studies 32 (Spring
1990). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[18] Such
paternalism is not unique to this particular time and place. The company town
of American history and the current Japanese enterprise are but two other
examples. There are important differences, however. In the Japanese context,
for instance, the employee has access, depending on the wage level, to a range
of alternatives through consumer markets. Given the shortages in state
socialist economies, such alternatives have been greatly limited. See also
Andrew Walder, Communist Neo-Traditionalism: Work and Authority in Chinese
Industry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 15-17. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[19] Walder (fn.
18). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[20] See Andrew Walder,
"Factory and Manager in an Era of Reform," China Quarterly, no. 118 (June
1989), esp. 249-53. It should be noted, however, that because of continued
unemployment rather than a labor shortage, Chinese workers have not been able
to leave one job for another, a major strength of workers in the enterprises
examined here. Thus, Chinese workers have had neither exit nor voice, though
they have used what Scott calls "the weapons of the weak."James C .
Scott, Weapons of the Weak. Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1985). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[21] This mutual
dependence is also suggested by the term "plan-fulfillment pact." See
Ulrich Voskamp and Volker Witkke, "Industrial Restructuring in the Former
German Democratic Republic," Politics and Society 19 (September 1991);
Burawoy and Krotov (fn. 15). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[22] V. Kalmyk and
T. Sil'chenko, "Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskaia obuslovennost' otnosheniie k
mestu raboty," in E. Antosenkov and V. Kalmyk, eds., Otnoshenie k Trudu i
Tekuchest' Kadrov (Work attitudes and labor turnover) (Novosibirsk. Institut
Ekonomiki i Organizatsii Promyshlennoyo Proizvodstva, 1970). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[23] See Paul
Osterman, ed., Internal Labor Markets (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1984); Robert Althauser
and Arne Kalleberg, "Firms,
Occupations and the Structure of Labor Markets," in Ivar Berg, ed.,
Sociological Perspectives on Labor Markets( New York. Academic Press, 1981);
Peter Doeringer and Michael J. Piroe, Internal Labor Markets and Manpower
Analysis (Lexington, Mass.: Heath, 1971). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[24] Hardin (fn. 9);
Michael Taylor, The Possibility of Cooperation (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1987). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[25] Regarding workers'
collective action specifically, see Adam Przeworski, "Marxism and Rational
Choice," Politics and Society 14, no. 4 (1985); Claus Offe and Helmut
Wiesenthal, "Two Logics of Collective Action: Theoretical Notes on Social
Class and Organizational Forms," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power
and Social Theory, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1980); James Johnson,
"Symbolic Action and the Limits of Strategic Rationality: On the Logic of
Working-Class Collective Action," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power
and Social Theory, vol. 7 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1986);J on Elster, Ulysses
and the Sirens (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984); Colin Crouch, Trade Unions: The Logic of Collective
Action (London: Fontana, 1982). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[26] Indeed, the
stakes are quite high on both sides. Even as the miners clearly gained through
their strikes, managers did not lose profits; they did lose their jobs,
however, as the miners often removed the old bosses and elected their own. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[27] Connor (fn.
12), 137. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[28] Theodore Friedgut,
Iuzovka and Revolution, vol. 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[29] While
open-hearth furnaces produced only 7 percent of the steel in the United States
in 1985 and none were being used in Japan and West Germany, the Soviet Union
continued to rely on them for more than half of its steel production. Boris
Rumer, Soviet Steel: The Challenge of Industrial Modernization in the USSR
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), 64. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[30] Rumer (fn. 29),
54. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[31] For instance,
the workers' council of the Donetskii plant wrote to ask the miners to return
to work because" the working class of steel workers" would otherwise
lose their pay and privileges. Kuzbass, July 18, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[32] In a chapter
entitled "New Cities: The Politics of Company Towns," William Taubman
refers to the more than one thousand cities built in the Soviet Union since the
1917 revolution, most of which "have been born and raised as Soviet-style
company towns, in the shadow of one industrial establishment or with several establishments
dividing responsibility or competing for control." These enterprises
provide "housing and whatever meager services" there are. See
Taubman, Governing Soviet Cities: Bureaucratic Politics and Urban Development in
the USSR (New York: Praeger,1 973), 54. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[33] Metallurg,
August 19, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[34] Director Sledenev was subsequently elected to the
higher legislative body, the Ukrainian Supreme Soviet. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[35] Metallurg Zapsiba, July 11, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[36] Burawoy and
Krotov (fn. 15) provide evidence of shops being pitted against each other in
the wood industry (pp. 25-28). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[37] Metallurg, July
26, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[38] Ibid. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[39] Metallurg
Zapsiba, October 11, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[40] Ibid., November
23, 1989; author interview with AR and BM, deputy chairs of the trade union
committee at Donetskii, Donetsk, July 2, 1992. Why did workers at West
Siberian, where management had more resources, succeed in establishing a single
line while those at Donetskii failed? Managers may have had more resources, but
workers had greater countervailing resources as well. First, the labor shortage
was more severe in Siberia than in Ukraine. And second, West Siberian was potentially
profitable on the market, giving workers a positive incentive to organize,
whereas at Donetskii everyone realized that the plant was going to remain
dependent on state subsidies. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[41] Metallurg
Zapsiba, July 13, 1990. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[42] Ibid., February
10, 1990. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[43] Interview with
AR and BM (fn. 40); Metallurg Zapsiba, September 4, 1993. Walder (fn. 20) notes
that managers in China have behaved in the same fashion, increasing rather than
decreasing their efforts to provide benefits to their workforce in the face of
market forces (pp. 249-53). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[44] Metallurg,
August 5, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[45] Ibid., October
25, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[46] Ibid., for how
another delegate to the same conference put it: Frankly speaking, it pains me
that you have organized this conference as if it were ten to fifteen years ago.
We don't talk about the sore points here. We won't revolt, if we find out that
apartments are being given to Afghan war invalids ahead of the line, that a
vacation trip in short supply [defitsitnaya] is being given to a steel founder,
a furnace worker or a rolling mill operator. But we demand the just
distribution of social goods. We need glasnost here, so that all will know, who
obtained what.... I think we've ruined this conference. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[47] Metallurg
Zapsiba, October 10, 1990. The Central Council of the once official steelworkers
union has since declared itself independent from the central trade union
confederation (FNPR) and has allied itself with the independent miners union.
Galina Koval'skaya, Svobodnie Profsoyuzi Rossii (Free trade unions of Russia)
(Moscow: Allegro Press, 1993), 8-12. But this was a decision made by the top
union leadership in Moscow, on the level of the enterprise, little has changed.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[48] Were the miners
actually better off after striking, or were steelworkers actually smart to
avoid striking, with all its attendant problems? While the miners' successes were
certainly uneven, they clearly gained from their strikes in several fundamental
ways. First, they gained greater control over their workplace. Second, they
gained greater political and economic changes, first in the Soviet Union and
later in the newly independent states. Other workers have been represented by
the former state trade unions or management. Finally, the material position of
miners, while hardly ideal, has improved, at least relative to that of other
workers. In addition to greater control over intra-enterprise benefits, wage
increases have outpaced even the astronomical rates of inflation in Russia and
Ukraine, so much so that subsidies to the coal industry alone (before recent
efforts to raise coal prices in Russia) were absorbing 20 percent of Russian
state revenues and accounted for nearly 33 percent of the state budget in
Ukraine. Izvestiia, May 8, 1993, cited in RFE/RL Daily Report, May 11, 1993;
Moscow News, June 18, 1993. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[49] He continued,
"Perestroika, you say?I have a family, children, grandchildren. They want
to go away for the summer. What can you say? Daddy told the boss he didn't like
how he was being treated, so this year and for the next couple of years no one
is going anywhere." Stephen Kotkin, Steeltown, USSR (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1991), 28-30. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[50]
"Travma," Ekonomicheskaya Gazeta, no. 7 (1989), 17. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[51] Kuzbass, July
13, 1989; Argumenty i Fakty, no. 30 (1989). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[52] Viktor
Kostyukovskii, Kuzbass: Zharkoe leto 89-ogo (The Kuzbass: The hot summer of
1989) (Moscow- Sovremmenik, 1990), 26. Subsidies to the branch in 1988 were
reportedly 5.4 billion rubles and in 1989 a billion more. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[53] Reflecting on
this very question, Burawoy produces a complex argument to explain why
steel-workers did not follow the example of coal miners. First, as basic goods
producers in a supply-con-strained economy, miners had been privileged by the
state but lost their privileged position with perestroika. Second, steelworkers
were able to avoid a similar decline by shifting their product profile, thus getting
higher state purchase prices for their goods. Third, miners, owing to their
unique work regime, experienced an exaggerated form of "workers'
control" over production, which contrasted more sharply with their
exploitation by the state. Burawoy, "The End of Sovietology and the
Renaissance of Modernization Theory," Contemporary Sociology 21 (November
1992), 780-81. This argument breaks down on each point, however: the steel
industry in the former Soviet Union has suffered dramatically during the
overall decline in production; changing one's product profile is no longer
valid given the lack of state orders and the glut on the steel market; and the
miners' political militancy toward the state was a product of their strike
activity and subsequent organization rather than a precursor to it. On this
last point, see Crowley (fn. 14). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[54] Kostyukovskii (fn.
51), 62. Mines were doubly disadvantaged in terms of social infrastructure.
First, a mine has a definite life span. Unlike an industrial factory that
theoretically can be continually modernized, there is less incentive to sink
capital into permanent infrastructure such as housing or cultural and
educational facilities in a mining settlement. Second, many mining communities
are indeed isolated, and while this in itself does not breed radicalism as the
isolated community thesis maintains, it does mean there is less social
infrastructure than in a larger city. Indeed, the differences in the living
conditions for miners and steelworkers in the Donbass were evident from its
initial industrialization over a hundred years ago. See Friedgut (fn. 28). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[55] The numbers are
even worse for Donetsk when the number of marriages and thus presumably the
number of new housing applicants is compared with the number of new housing
units built; then Donetsk was twenty-fifth. Henry Morton, "The
Contemporary Soviet City," in Morton and Robert Stuart, eds., The Contemporary
Soviet City (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1984). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[56] Metallurg
Zapsiba, November 7, 1989. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[57] John H.
Westergaard, "The Rediscovery of the Cash Nexus," The Socialist
Register 1970 (London: Merlin Press, 1970), esp. 120-21. Thus miners in
Vorkuta, of Russia's Far North, were drawn from other parts of the Soviet Union
in the hope that savings from high wages would allow them to buy a home and
retire in Russia's temperate South. Inflation immediately wiped out those
plans. See "In Russia's Far North, Inflation Destroys a Dream," Moscow
Times, March 3, 1993. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[58] Connor (fn.
12), 172. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[59] Thus, although
important, wages represented only one component of an overall compensation
package. Both steelworkers and miners demanded wage increases. The Hungarian experience
suggests that the preference for wages versus in-kind benefits varies with the
scope of the consumer market. In Hungary many years of economic reform created
a more advanced market for consumer goods and ser-vices, and consequently wages
were valued above enterprise emoluments. See Stark (fn. 15, 1986); Burawoy and
Lukacs (fn. 15). Given prices out of the reach of many consumers, this has not
yet occurred in Russia. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[60] John E. T.
Eldridge, Industrial Disputes: Essays in the Sociology of Industrial Relations
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1968). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[61] Stone,
"The Origin of Job Structures in the Steel Industry," Review of
Radical Political Economics 6 (Summer 1974), 156. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[62] On the creation
of a ripple effect as a way out of the collective action problem, see John
Chamberlin," Provisions of Collective Goods as a Function of Group Size,"
American Political Science Review 68 (June 1974), 707-16. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[63] Author
interview with Oleg Semyenov, Novokuznetsk, May 3, 1991. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[64] In this last
category, some mines provided coal to local metallurgical and power plants. The
phrase that some mines were working "with the blessing of the strike
committee" may have been a way for both the particular mines and the
strike committee to save face given the less than full participation in the
strike. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[65] For more on the
Zasiad'ko mine, see Stephen Crowley and Lewis Siegelbaum, "Survival
Strategies: The Miners of Donetsk in the Post-Soviet Era"( Manuscript,1
993). The following paragraph is largely drawn from that paper. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[66] Verchernyi Donetsk,
April 17, 1991. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[67] Ibid. A
Siberian mine with a similar history and paternalistic scope is described by
Petr Biziukov and Simon Clarke, "Privatization in Russia: The Road to a
People's Capitalism?" Monthly Review (November 1992). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[68] Author
interview with Yurii Gerol'd, Moscow, February 27, 1991; Nasha Gazeta, February
20, 1990. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[69] There were no
cases that I found, in the central, regional, or local press, or during
fieldwork, where miners broke such a significant contract arrangement to
strike. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[70] Linda Cook,
"Labor's Response to the Soviet Post-Communist Transition" (Paper presented
at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago,
September 1992). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[71] Regarding a
different social consequence of the shortage economy, see Katherine Verdery,
"Nationalism and Nationalist Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania," Slavic
Review 52 (Summer 1993), 182-83. Trade unions in Bulgaria and Romania have been
transformed from above, without wide-spread collective action (outside mining
and a few other sectors) from below. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[72] A full
accounting of the rise of Solidarity is dearly beyond the scope of this paper.
Among the other factors present in Poland and not in the Soviet Union were
nationalism and the experience of previous worker uprisings; all contributed
not only to workers uniting but also to workers uniting with other classes. See
Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: A Political Sociology of Poland's
Working-Class Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Michael
Kennedy, Professionals, Power and Solidarity in Poland (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1991). In Hungary, where little collective worker activity occurred even
as shortages decreased as a result of market reform, workers continued to
pursue individual strategies in seeking to take advantage of the consumer market-a
reminder that the market also presents obstacles to workers' collective action.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[73] One clear
analogy with the steel enterprises discussed here are the company towns of
early capitalism. Ironically, however, whereas enterprise dependence in the
former Soviet Union appears to be a case of a bloated welfare state, it was the
establishment of the welfare state in capitalist societies that finally ended
the worker's near total dependence on the employer. By guaranteeing a minimum
standard of living regardless of one's work performance, the welfare state
ended the employer's direct control over the reproduction of the labor force.
See Burawoy (fn. 15), 125-26. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[74] To call such
items "selective incentives" is misleading in at least two respects:
they were originally intended not to retain members in the trade union, but
rather to keep workers in the enterprise, and they have become the primary service
these organizations provide. On the term "selective incentives" as
applied to trade union membership, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective
Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1977); and the critical discussion in Crouch (fn. 25). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[75] On the
corporatist bent of these trade unions, see Cook (fn. 70). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[76] According to
the official trade union chair at one Donbass mine, "At first the NPG ...
pushed aside health issues, daily life concerns, and all the rest. But now the
NPG takes care of everything up to trade and the distribution of foodstuffs,
that is, those things for which the NPG leaders always cursed us." Pozitsiia,
May 6-12, 1992, p. 1. The same appears to be true in Vorkuta. See Michael
Burawoy and Pavel Krotov, "The Economic Basis of Russia's Political
Crisis," New Left Review, no. 198 (March-April 1993), 60-64. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[77] This was
certainly the case in Donetsk in the summer of 1992 and Novokuznetsk in the
fall of 1993. This is especially so since the barter economy provides workers
in privileged sectors with scarce consumer goods rather than high wages. See Crowley
and Siegelbaum (fn. 65). 78 Walder (fn. 20), esp. 249-53. 79 As of this writing
it is too early to tell whether the latest Russian elections have sent fewer
enterprise managers to parliament. Preliminary analysis by the author suggests
that managers have indeed used their resources to elect, if not themselves,
then at least like-minded representatives. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[80] Interview with
AR and BM (fn. 40). The director of the Zasiad'ko mine mentioned above first
used his economic position to be elected a member of the Ukrainian parliament,
was later elected mayor of Donetsk, and from there was appointed prime minister
of Ukraine. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[81] Simon
Clarke," Privatization and the Development of Capitalism in Russia," New
Left Review, no. 196 (November-December 1992). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">[82] Indeed, as the
miners' experience shows, the ability of managers to control such institutions
is not absolute. Thus managers must carefully balance a paternalism that on the
one hand ensures their continued control and on the other hand does not provoke
concerted action by workers that could remove them from office. 83 The work of
economic historian Douglass North makes one cautious about predicting the rapid
demise of such institutions, no matter how revolutionary the change in economic
structures or even property rights. See North, Institutions, Institutional
Change, and Economic Performance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="NL" style="font-family: Arial;">This paper was
published in: World Politics, Vol. 46, No. 4 (Jul., 1994), pp. 589-615.</span></div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-6156540678570852512011-12-07T08:31:00.000-08:002012-07-12T07:07:06.598-07:00“Єдине, що мене страшить у кожній новій роботі, це те, що можна її втратити”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGn7n5QYh1TiwCDIAyro_RjNrpk1dStq-g9gz7F87XZOcs8MB2NNZTBLjV0DhfHDtEJu9KramRpDzsfb-r6JOUpXugjEkuvJ_O3JrWW4unLzAFJmn8oEw3KHV6uVs9T2O4U6OwctX9ysao/s1600/freelance+student.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="background-color: white; clear: left; display: inline !important; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" height="199" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGn7n5QYh1TiwCDIAyro_RjNrpk1dStq-g9gz7F87XZOcs8MB2NNZTBLjV0DhfHDtEJu9KramRpDzsfb-r6JOUpXugjEkuvJ_O3JrWW4unLzAFJmn8oEw3KHV6uVs9T2O4U6OwctX9ysao/s200/freelance+student.jpg" width="200" /></a><br />
<b>Розповідь студента-фрілансера про умови праці</b><br />
<br />
Суть моєї роботи полягає в тому, що я мушу робити новини. Ці маленькі новини із картинкою і текстом, на які люди клікають. Я мушу робить певну кількість за місяць, аби, ну, мене не вигнали. Ось. Також вони мають бути гарної якості, щоб на них люди клікали, тому що інакше компанія не бачить в мені сенсу. Тобто обов’язки – це робити ці віджети якісно і в певній кількості.<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
<br />
Робота мені не дуже подобається. До того у мене були набагато кращі роботи, як на мене. Я не задоволений, тому що дуже часто ці віджети, пройшовши через редактора, їх повертають, доводиться перероблять, і в результаті, на початках особливо, я маю в годину заробітну платню як працівник Макдональдса. Це досить мало. Ну, я би не сказав, що конкретно заробітна платня мала, скоріше кількість витрачених ресурсів на кількість гривень.<br />
<br />
У нас на роботі взагалі є два поділи: хтось може сидіть в офісі, працювать. Для всіх фрілансерів є підвал, тобто можна вдома робить, як я роблю, а можна іти в підвал або в офіс, якщо на повний день. В принципі, отут компанія працює дуже добре, абсолютно все влаштовує мене і влаштовує всіх людей. Я не знаю, де тут можна придовбаться. Створені умови, плюс можна відвідувати спортзали, це рахується за робочий час, хороші умови самого офісу тощо. Все як треба. Ті люди, які працюють в офісі, вони задоволені: от кава і все, все безкоштовно і доступно.<br />
<br />
Ті, хто приходять щодня, ті отримують ставку, а ті що вдома — залежно від зробленої роботи. Ну, власне, тут справедливо все. Єдине, що мене не влаштовує в зарплатні, це те, що треба досить довго пройти оце муштрування, щоб потім заробляти більш-менш пристойно. Або, принаймні, не вчитися (щоб було більше часу) і тоді можна добре заробляти.<br />
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З муштруванням річ у тім, що американська компанія має особливості порівняно з українською. От на англомовних сайтах заборонені фотографії жінок. Тобто не можна використовувати в рекламі фото «гарячих» жінок, слово «гарячий», ну, «hot», «spicy», «sexy». Взагалі, слово «секс» взагалі заборонено, тобто будь-який натяк на сексуальність, навіть якщо це стаття про секс, вона заборонена. І дуже багато censorship, тобто не можна ніяких расових там, будь-яких дискримінацій за нацією. Це повинно обов’язково бути інтелігентно, максимально толерантно. Ну і щоб не було жодних претензій з боку людей, тобто не можна на віджет поставить якусь людину невідому і написати «mental disorders», тоді немовби вийде, що ти звинувачуєш людину, що вона хвора. Бо якщо подивитися російську або українську підмережу, то дуже часто там «жирная корова» і якась жінка звичайна, знайдена фотографія Вконтакті. Очевидно, що якщо така людина знайде свою фотографію, то емоції, образа – це некоректно. Хоча інколи це до маразмів доходить, жахливих. Тобто, якщо жінка тримає мобільний телефон, то це вже не можна ставить, тому що в техніці, в рубриці «Техніка», має бути тільки техніка.<br />
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Щодо часу роботи і внутрішнього розпорядку, то це все досить ліберально. Головне – зробити достатню кількість оцих віджетів, виконать план, а за який час, можна не в офісі, а вдома доробить, жодних обмежень немає. Ніхто нікого не зв’язує, хоча мені здається, що мінімальний каприз директора і це б мало бути, що всі приходять на восьму. Тобто, воно начебто і є формально, але люди толерантні одне до одного, тому що це креатив. Це відділ креативу, і там певні знижки роблять на те, що це все-таки творче заняття, ніхто нікого не напрягає. Модератори, як завжди, проти креативу, а креатив проти модераторів, але я маю сказати про те, що люди зовсім різні.<br />
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Я на даний момент достатньо мало контактую, тому що я фрілансер, хоча я маю сказать, що вони постійно запрошують кудись, гуляти, повністю націлені на те, щоб комунікація всередині колективу відбувалася. Тобто, над цим працюють всі, щоб колектив був цілісним. І компанії це вигідно, і самому колективу. Ворожості я не бачив. Тобто, як на мене, навіть для нової людини, всі нові приходять дуже легко, тому що там дуже часто змінюються кадри, але ж там є і старі «акули», але вони ставляться до людей позитивно, добре.<br />
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Атмосфера впливає на саму роботу, бо коли знаєш, наприклад, що ти не подобаєшся усім, це ускладнює роботу. У креативі це має бути вільне спілкування і щоб було весело. Сама робота досить неформально проходить. Паралельно з основним чатом, в який викладають завдання, є чат такий собі ігровий, куди пишуть, якісь смішні речі кидають. Він постійно циркулює і він набагато потужніший насправді, ніж чат, у якому завдання є, тобто люди комунікують між собою постійно. Це важливо.<br />
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Чи бували випадки порушення прав на моїй роботі? Навряд. Вони намагаються бути рівними і гладкими. Вони тому і гроші заробляють дуже добре. Це компанія з мільйонними прибутками, там все відточено. Вони вже багато років. Не знаю, я сумніваюсь, що права робітників якось порушувалися. Ну хіба що... ну ні, це щось придумать хіба що, а так я не бачу. Дійсно гладко. Ті, що скаржаться, ідуть собі. Там досить сильний потік. От.<br />
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Єдине, що мене страшить у кожній новій роботі, це те, що можна її втратити. Для мене це завжди було одним з найбільших порушень прав. Наприклад, на попередній роботі з людьми, з якими я співпрацював півроку, в один момент вони вирішили, хоча вони не попереджали, але вони от почали закриватися потихеньку, і я втратив ту роботу. Вони досі працюють, але вони намагалися штат якось скоротить, не попередили мене завчасно і навпаки давали мені надії, щоб я чекав. Як на мене, це було несправедливо в мій бік, але в той же час, вони розрахувалися зі мною за всі мої роботи.<br />
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Досвід минулої роботи дуже мені допоміг у теперішній. Це дуже схожі роботи, тому що до цього був Social Media Marketing. Допомогло розуміння того, як працює реклама. Що може зацікавити людей, на що не можна натякати, чому. Взагалі, це – досвід комунікації з людьми, яких ти не знаєш. Тільки там було інтерактивне спілкування, тобто ти пишеш і спілкуєшся з цими людьми, ну, граєш перед ними по-своєму. А тут інтерактивності немає. Інтерактивність хіба що в тому, що вони клікають на те, що ти написав. Ну, тут, я би сказав, більш технічна робота. Тобто, тут є готові фрази, можливо, їх треба перекомбіновувать. Робота менш творча, ніж була попередня, можливо, тому це мене трохи стримує.<br />
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Навчання дуже допомагає. Хороший рівень англійської має бути, тому що потрібно знайомитися з контентом. Також культурним рівнем, тому що потрібно знати, що людину може зацікавити, що може не зацікавити. Причому, якщо це людина того ж рівня, для кого він робить, то він не обере відповідну статтю, потрібен вищий рівень, ніж ті, хто клікає. От. Клікають як правило, з Індії. Треба дивитись трохи вище, ніж те, що ти робиш, тому навчання сто відсотків потрібно.<br />
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Цікава робота, я стільки приколів передивився! Плюс практика англійської мови, уже не переплутаєш ні закінчення, ні як будуються питання, ні якісь там якісь мовні часи. Тобто, це доводиться до автоматизму. Плюс всі якісь там чутки, Голівуд, Болівуд, Толівуд... Але цим матеріалом теж треба володіть, тому що це цікаво певним чином. Але дуже мало політичних новин. Наприклад, мене цікавить політика. Політика туди не проходить, не можна навіть робити погані або смішні новини про Обаму. Компанія не хоче проблем...<br />
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Та я просто собі працюю. Я нічого змінювати не хочу. Ну, мене хіба що дивують оці правила на заборону жіночого тіла. Як на мене, це вже занадто. Ну, і не тільки тіла, а і жінки як такої. Як на мене, це вже автодискримінація, тому що більшість співробітниць тієї компанії і є жінки, тобто вони самі свою стать не ставлять, щоб бути толерантними. Чесно кажучи, жінку поставить комерційно вигідніше, тому що на людей, і зокрема, на жінок, клікають більше. Просто їх помічають серед усього контенту... А так, я думаю, що ті люди краще тямлять, що вони роблять, і їм видніше, не перший рік працюють.<br />
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Ну і не треба забувати про досвід роботи як такої, тим паче в такій компанії з таким капіталом; бачити, як це має бути влаштоване. Тому що, якщо це така компанія, то ти не переживаєш, що тобі не заплатять або недоплатять, або ще якісь такі нюанси. Як все влаштоване, просто якщо працюєш на якусь конторку, там дуже часто бувають якісь трюки, а тут все от як має працювати контора. Якщо вона так не працює, то це якась не така робота. Тобто, це досить правильна робота.<br />
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Я взагалі неофіційно працюю. Тобто, ніякої відпустки, взагалі нічого. Єдина моя відпустка – це заробить певну кількість грошей і відпочивать на них. Фрілансери просто дуже швидко змінюються, щоб їх ще й оформлювать, це ж додатковий час: поки фрілансера оформиш, то він вже може і звалить. А от ті, хто офіційно працює, вони скаржаться, що відпустка замала, але хто не скаржиться на замалу відпустку? Всі хочуть відпочивати за гроші компанії більше, ніж працюють. Відпустка десь чи тиждень чи два. Кажуть, її взагалі скоротили до тижня. Але мені здається, що нічого такого тут і немає. Це ж гроші, треба їх зароблять. І так два дні вихідних. Що людям бракує? Відпрацювали, два дні відпочили, нашо їм ще й загули? Тим більше не треба забувати про офіційні свята, там теж бувають по тижню загули. Ну, тобто, я думаю, що не переробляться люди.<br />
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Поки я в університеті, наскільки я знаю, навчання зараховується як стаж, тобто у мене буде чотири роки стажу. Якби я був влаштований офіційно, то моя заробітна платня була би ще меншою. Я, чесно кажучи, не тямлю, який відсоток, але, здається, п’ята частина пішла б у нікуди. Бо коли ці гроші ідуть в державу, я не впевнений, що вони ідуть на майбутнє моє соціальне страхування...<br />
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Це не перша моя робота, і я намагався знайти роботу ще далекого кінця першого курсу, це було давно. І мої власні пошуки роботи ще жодного разу не доходили, це було безвільне розсилання резюме на будь-яку роботу і нуль реакції. Я не знаю, можливо, їм треба дзвонить на домашній о другій ночі, але реакції на розсилання резюме нема. Це при тому що я пишу відповідь на якісь офіційні вакансії. Всі мої способи влаштування – це через знайомих, далеких знайомих або якихось моїх знайомих знайомих. Я витратив дуже багато часу, аби отримать свою першу роботу (через знайомство), цю роботу я теж отримав через знайомих...<br />
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Для деяких людей робота може бути як хобі. Мабуть вони небагато заробляють або мають якийсь додатковий ресурс доходу, десь ще беруть гроші, не знаю. Я ж, чесно кажучи, завжди на перших порах сприймаю свою роботу дещо в штики, тобто це у мене є культурною акліматизацією. Мені потрібен деякий час. Перший місяць я хаю, другий місяць я вже хаю менше. На третій місяць я вже починаю отримувать від неї задоволення. На цій роботі я вже десь півтора місяці, тобто я вже на стадії десь проміжного хаяння. Думаю, потім я вже примирюсь з тим, що вона хороша. Задоволення від роботи завжди треба отримувать. Якщо людина принципово не може отримувать задоволення, вона має навчитись це робити. Я не кажу міняти роботу, просто навчитись отримувати задоволення від того, що вона робить, тому що врешті-решт це – результати її праці. Тому я будь-якою ціною намагаюся шукати позитив у будь-якій роботі (звісно, окрім позитиву отримання грошей). І в кожній роботі можна його знайти, принаймні, другим активом завжди стає досвід.<br />
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Я не можу сказать, чи в Україні трапляються щасливі люди, яким пропонують обирать роботу. Я ж кажу: знайти роботу, навіть дуже погану, дуже складно без знайомих. А якщо знайшов хоч щось, треба звикать. Я маю сказать, що мені знайшли і поділилися непоганою роботою. Але вибирать – нє – я не вибираю. Якби я вибирав, то я пішов би журналістом. Це просто більше моя стихія. Я більше звик писати великі форми, ніж по п’ять слів у реченні якомога стисліше і зрозуміліше. Насправді, це не спрощує задачу. Треба бути постійно новим, не можна повторюватися, але в той же самий час треба залишатися лапідарним. А в журналістиці більше індивідуалізму. Та й платять більше, якщо платять, бо у мене це було як стажування, я не вимагав грошей, це було класно. Але потрібна все-таки оплата цієї праці. Будь-яка праця має бути оплачена. От і все.<br />
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Поки що мене ця робота влаштовує. У мене ж особливий пунктик, тому що я студент, мені потрібно, щоб я міг робити це вдома, щоб я не відволікався на походи в офіси тощо... Бо я завжди перш за все приділяю час на навчання. Тому робота не може стати для мене на перший план, самоціллю чи хобі, тому що навчання – це і самоціль, і хобі. Ну, це не те, що мої вимоги, це просто вимоги ситуації. А якби я знайшов таку роботу, де я зміг би сидіти вдома і отримувати гроші за свою працю, хоча б трошки більші... то я був би задоволений.<br />
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Плюс цієї роботи в тому, що я не обмежений в заробітній платі. Я буду отримувати стільки, скільки зроблю. Я можу заробити хоч тисячу, хоч три тисячі, хоч п’ять. Багато робіт не передбачають такої функції. І платять навіть більше, ніж навіть за редагування, яке є набагато тяжчою роботою. Ця робота приносить гроші, як я можу бути не задоволений? Треба пристосовуватися до роботи і я думаю, що я до неї якнайшвидше пристосуюсь. Я нею задоволений, тому що вона в мене є. Я ціную, що мені дають роботу і мені як студенту третього курсу довіряють працювати на себе.<br />
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<i>Розповідь записана студенткою соціології НаУКМА Оленою Цибанковою. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.
</i></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-88825797691488075852011-12-05T12:55:00.000-08:002012-05-08T12:58:10.071-07:00State, Society and Protest under Post-Communism: Ukrainian Miners and Their Defeat<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg82GFO9oCI-RK9udQPluTmkt9eQuls8vuEAZQR4tZVrh2hk4gOdnvr41YjFIQYYHvnJrk4EPs5Kl0R9s8DoX7y2sr04iTrABZ0fbSLcsEFYnMc_6BRIhHqBGalvOs26kPP2TYWusGlV-sT/s1600/plant+entrance.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg82GFO9oCI-RK9udQPluTmkt9eQuls8vuEAZQR4tZVrh2hk4gOdnvr41YjFIQYYHvnJrk4EPs5Kl0R9s8DoX7y2sr04iTrABZ0fbSLcsEFYnMc_6BRIhHqBGalvOs26kPP2TYWusGlV-sT/s200/plant+entrance.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">While
much attention has been devoted to the alleged failure of
post-communist transformation to generate popular protests in Eastern
Europe, less attention has been paid to the exploration of existing
examples of disruptive social contention in the region. This paper
examines one of the most militant and prolonged cases of protest in
Eastern Europe - the Donbas miners’ movement in Ukraine. The miners
have succeeded in influencing the state and governing authorities by
the means of contentious collective action. The miners’ movement
has, nevertheless, failed to achieve its aims. This paper argues that
it is the specific dynamics of contentious politics under
post-communism rather than the lack of violent protest that explains
the failure of the miners’ social movement.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">By:
Vlad Mykhnenko</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Faculty
of Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">e-mail:
vm222@cam.ac.uk</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Paper
for the Political Studies Association-UK 50th Annual Conference 10-13
April 2000, London</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">*
* *</span></span></div>
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“<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Why
did Central and Eastern Europeans protest less about the brutal
social conditions of systemic change than the people of Latin America
had a decade earlier? How did it happen that less disruptive forms of
protest emerged as dominant social responses to economic grievances?”
asks a recently published volume on patience in post-communist
societies (Greskovits 1998). Leaving the book’s answer aside, one
might ask, alternatively, what happened when Eastern Europeans did
protest? How have their opponents reacted to disruptive rather than
“stabilising” forms of protest? Are we really witnessing the
birth of civil society where “it is not clear who is boss”
(Gellner 1996) or the old boss is still in place?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">To
initiate a discussion vis-à-vis the problems above, this paper
focuses on one of the most militant examples of post-communist
contentious politics – the movement of the Donbas miners in
Ukraine. This social movement was born in 1989, when over 500,000
Soviet miners went on strike. The miners’ action soon became a
symbol of the emerging civil society – that is, a group or mass of
people who can check and counterbalance the state (Gellner 1996). In
the “hot summer” of 1989, the Communist party capitulated to the
triumphant miners. The Soviet state collapsed soon afterwards. Yet
ten years after their victory, the spirit of depression has hovered
over the Donbas miners.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Notwithstanding
the justice of their cause and countless waves of disruptive protest,
the Donbas miners have failed to achieve their goal. The miners’
movement did challenge the state. Nevertheless, the outcome of this
challenge has lagged far behind the expectations generated after the
miners’ symbolic victory in 1989. The aim of this paper is
therefore to understand why this might be the case. This paper will
examine first the basic properties of the Donbas miners’ movement,
before turning to the evolution of its contentious politics. This
paper will then consider possible explanations for the apparent
failure of the miners’ movement. In the conclusion, this paper will
discuss the relative weight of the state, the polity and civil
society under post-communism. It is argued that the dynamics of
contentious politics rather than the alleged patience or apathy of
Eastern Europeans provide a better insight into the absence of
widespread popular unrest under post-communism.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Donbas
miners’ movement</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Basic
properties</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Social
movements are defined by Tarrow as “collective challenges, based on
common purposes and social solidarities, in sustained interaction
with elites, opponents, and authorities” (1998: 4). Such a
sustained interaction leads to shifts within movements and to changes
in their basic characteristics. Therefore, before moving towards the
interaction generated by the Donbas miners, we should briefly examine
the historical and socio-economic context of their movement at its
initial stage, that is, before the movement was actually born in the
sequences of contention. Following the concept of della Porta and
Diani (1999: 14-16), four characteristic aspects of the miners’
movement need special attention: (1) informal interaction networks,
(2) shared beliefs and solidarity, (3) collective action focusing on
conflicts, (4) use of protest.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Historical
environment and informal networks</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
initial development of the Donbas was similar to that of the Ruhr
area in Germany or Upper Silesia in Poland. The industrialisation of
the region began after the discovery of hard coal. As early as 1917,
the Donbas was producing 87 percent of the Russian Empire’s coal
output, 76 percent of pig iron, 57 percent of steel and more than 90
percent of coke (Afonin 1990: 45). After the Bolshevik revolution and
Stalin’s industrialisation, the Donbas remained the largest
producing area of coal, iron and steel in Ukraine and one of the
world’s major metallurgical and heavy-industrial complexes (see
Table 1).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">For
centuries, the area of the Donbas was an empty field. Industrial
revolution and Stalin’s Great Terror opened the region to massive
migration. People were attracted to the Donbas by the region’s vast
employment opportunities as much as by its image of a “safe haven
for fugitives” (Kuromiya 1998). The Donbas eventually became a
highly urbanised and densely populated “melting pot” of various
ethno-linguistic groups.2 Nonetheless, over 98 percent of Donbas
inhabitants recognise Russian or Ukrainian as their mother tongues
(Itogi Vsesoiuznoi perepisi 1993a: 32-3; 44-5). Donbas population of
about 8.2 million people is an overlapping mixture of ethnic
Ukrainians (51 percent) and ethnic Russians (44 percent) (Goskomstat
SSSR 1991: 80, 82). Due to the prolonged powerlessness of the
Ukrainian cultural tradition, over four-fifths of the Donbas
population are Russian speakers (Smith and Wilson 1997: 847,
854-864). Therefore, the region has been widely regarded as the
Eastern pole in a cultural identity cleavage claimed to divide the
country along the “Western Ukraine - Eastern Ukraine”
ethno-linguistic, religious, economic and historical axis (Wilson
1993; Birch and Zinko 1996; Solchanyk 1994; Wilson 1995; Arel and
Khmelko 1996; Smith and Wilson 1997; Shulman 1999).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Another
particular feature of the Donbas is its social-class structure. In
general, the region has been a base for over 23 percent of Ukraine’s
industrial labour force. During the 1989 Soviet census, 70 percent of
the Donbas inhabitants were classified as working-class (workers); a
quarter of the population were identified as white-collar personnel
(public servants); and only 5 percent were classified as peasants
(collective farmers) (Itogi Vsesoiuznoi perepisi 1993b: 16).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Coal
mining accounted for 21 percent of the region’s industrial output
(Heohrafichna entsyklopediia Ukraïny 1989: 355). In 1989, about 35
percent of the Donbas industrial labour force were employed by 254
coal mines and mining-related firms (Zastavnyi 1990: 262; Reshetilova
et al. 1997: 5). Working in extremely dangerous conditions, the
Donbas miners developed close informal networks of reliance and
socialisation. Common cultural traditions facilitated the extension
of miners’ informal interaction networks beyond their working
place. In general, the informal ties observed among the Donbas miners
are similar to those that used to exist among coal miners and their
communities in other parts of the world (on coal mining communities
and networks see Samuel 1977; Dix 1988; Warwick and Littlejohn 1992;
Carswell and Roberts 1992).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Shared
beliefs and solidarity</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
main belief shared by the Donbas miners was based on the materialist
understanding of their work (Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995;
Seigelbaum 1997: 13-14). In particular, they believed in the Marxian
labour theory of value, where the quantity of labour used up in the
manufacture of a product determines its real, fundamental and
immutable value. With the beginning of democratisation in the USSR,
the miners’ belief was increasingly related to a feeling of social
injustice:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
problem, according to many miners, was that people were not getting
paid according to their labour: those that worked hard, and produced
something of material value, were being cheated out of its worth,
while those that distributed this wealth, were enriching themselves
without real work. The miners soon drew a connection between their
sense of exploitation and the state’s ability, through the
self-appointed communist party, to distribute wealth as it saw fit.
Indeed, the class-based anger directed at managers within the
enterprise was soon aimed towards a system the miners believed to be
exploiting them (Crowley 1995: 59).</span></span></div>
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“<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Every
worker feeds five to seven managers,” one miner remarked in 1989.
“We are Negros under slavery! There is no respect for us. No one
listens to our demands!” (Kostiukovskii 1990: 63-64).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
perception of social injustice and exploitation prevalent among the
miners was fostered by horrifically unsafe working conditions. In
1988, 80 percent of the Ukrainian coal mines were over 40 years old
(Reshetilova et al. 1997: 103). Eighty-seven percent of collieries in
the Donbas were more than 800 metres below the surface with
temperatures exceeding 30°C. Over 20,000 miners were working even
deeper underground under extreme heat pressures. The share of manual
labour in coal production exceeded 57 percent (Rusnachenko 1993: 66).
</span></span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
fatality rate in the Donbas coal industry became the highest in the
world (BBC, 12 March 2000). In the late 1980s, there were four deaths
and six serious injuries for every one million ton of coal mined in
the region (Sarzhan 1998: 163). In the 1990s, one miner was killed at
work every day (Table 2). At some mines the fatality rate was 15 to
20 deaths for every one million ton of coal (Burnosov 1995: 29; 31).
Given the persistent underinvestments into the industry, the number
of industrial accidents has been growing (Rusnachenko 1993: 66. For
comparisons see Siegelbaum 1997: 23). A deep feeling of social
injustice and exploitation, the hazardous working conditions,
combined with a much-celebrated heroic image of miners, resulted in a
strong sense of occupational solidarity.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Conflictual
issues</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Despite
celebrating miners as “quintessential proletarians”, state
socialism was unable to adequately compensate them for their hard
labour and human losses. In terms of monetary gratification, the
miners were among the best-paid professions in the USSR since World
War II (Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 2; Seigelbaum 1997: 5).
Underground workers were also provided with fairly high pensions as
early as the age of fifty. Nevertheless, few miners have been able to
reach the pension age. In the early 1990s, the average life
expectancy for the main coal mining occupations was about
thirty-eight years (Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995: 121-122). Being
paid officially for a six-hour working day, miners worked, in fact,
for ten to eleven and sometimes even sixteen hours a day (Rusnachenko
1993: 67). A large number of coal workers were not provided with
appropriate housing accommodation and lived in poor sanitary
conditions. The predominance of “smoke-stack” industries in a
highly urbanised area led to large-scale environmental devastation.
Moreover, with the beginning of perestroika, food and goods shortages
became widespread and queues appeared to be endless. The lack of
consumer goods, according to one 1989 survey, headed the list of
miners’ grievances (Rusnachenko 1993: 66-67; Friedgut and
Siegelbaum 1990: 14-16). A labour conflict was emerging:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Working
deep below the surface, where temperatures and concentrations of
methane gas were high, and frequently compelled to use “grandpa’s
methods” (that is, jack hammers and shovels) to extract coal,
Donbas workers had the distinct sense that “Moscow” did not care
how much hard labour they expended or how many lives were sacrificed
in the process (1997: 5-6).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Use
of protest</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Della
Porta and Diani have suggested that protest reflects a view of
politics as a power struggle, in which involvement in civil society
is not limited to elections (1999: 176). The participation in
elections did not provide citizens under state socialism with a
possibility to influence political decision-making in the country.
Protest, thus, was the only resource for politically impoverished
miners.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
main purpose of the emerging contention was miners’ endeavour to
obtain “normal” or “civilised life”. According to some
observers, what the miners call “normal life” is Western or
American(ised) mass media, video or billboard images of affluence
ranging “from Disneyland to Pittsburgh” (Walkowitz 1995: 160,
174, 176; Siegelbaum 1997: 13). To be sure, there never was a
coherent picture of what may constitute a “normal life”. Some
naïveté with regard to the “civilised West” has existed among
various social groups in Ukraine and other post- communist countries.
Nevertheless, the hazardous situation in the Donbas coal industry has
made it simple what can be regarded as reasonable living and working
conditions:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">People
live to be just thirty-eight years old ... [But] people’s dreams
are different. My kids dream of being able to live in an apartment,
in normal conditions […] We want our kids to live like human
beings. We don’t want luxuries or excesses, just to have some
certainty about tomorrow. We want people to lead normal lives, to
have acceptable, decent working conditions. This is all we are
striving for. We don’t want anything else (interview with Donets’k
City strike committee, committee, May 1991, in Siegelbaum and
Walkowitz 1995: 122).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
opportunity to work and earn money was considered to be among the
main elements of the “normal life” (interview with the Samofalov
family, 1992, in Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995: 194). In turn, the
achievement of “normal life” was never restricted to saving jobs
in the declining coal industry:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">[T]he
miners pay for their wages with their blood […] We don’t advocate
preserving the coal enterprises of the Donba[s] at any cost […] We
object to miners working in those dangerous zones. We would agree to
close down the mines, but the people who work there should have the
opportunity to be retrained so that they could work in some other
industry. What we won’t agree to, is that all the mines should be
closed down and all the miners become unemployed (interview with
Yurii Makarov, 1992, in Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995: 145).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Working-class
discontent in the Donbas became apparent at the early stage of
Gorbachev’s perestroika, democratisation and glasnost’. In
1987-1988, there were several local collective actions, “refusals
to work” and hunger strikes at some Donbas enterprises (Burnosov
1995: 29). In 1988, a central newspaper of the official all-Ukrainian
Trade Unions published workers’ complaints about the lack of any
economic progression at their enterprises (Kuzio and Wilson 1994:
105). By the spring of 1989, the miners’ contentious action has
included about twelve brief local strikes and hundreds of telegrams,
letters and petitions demanding enterprise independence and higher
wages (Rusnachenko 1993: 68). During a visit to Donets’k in June
1989, Gorbachev himself was warned about miners’ discontent
(Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 8). All the warnings appeared to be
unsuccessful.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Cycles
of contention</b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">By
the late 1980s, the Donbas miners had acquired all the basic
components needed for a collective contentious action. Miners
perceived state socialism - “the system” - as their collective
challenge. They recognised the existence of exploitation as their
shared belief and the strive for the “normal life” as their
common purpose. Oppressive working conditions, high levels of
occupational density as well as existing rituals of celebrating “the
heroes of labour” forged the miners’ solidarity.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Mobilisation:
1989-1991</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
first wave of contention materialised in the summer strike of 1989.
The strike started at a single mine in the Kuzbass3 city of
Mezhdurechensk. From Siberia, industrial action expanded to all other
coalfields in the Soviet Union. In the Donbas, the strike was
initiated on 15 July 1989 also by a single mine. Soon, 173 out of 226
Donbas collieries went on strike. The overall Kuznets Coal Basin
(byname Kuzbass) is located in southwestern Siberia. </span></span>
</div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Demands
of the miners were articulated by openly elected mine and city strike
committees. The strike was triggered by frustrated expectations,
arbitrariness of authorities, lawlessness and anxiety that
perestroika was passing the miners by with no improvement in living
standards (Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 13; see also Zabastovka
1989: 95; Kostiukovskii 1990). A sociological survey conducted among
the striking Donbas miners reported that:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">people
were tired of waiting for promises to be fulfilled, that they had
felt freed from ‘serfdom’ by glastnost’, that fear had
vanished, thinking awakened, and that the media had encouraged a
popular rejection of the bureaucracy. Significantly, 50 per cent of
respondents added that professional solidarity played a part in their
motivation (as cited in Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 13-14).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
emphasis of the miners was put on economic demands. The most radical
among them was for full economic and legal autonomy of mining
enterprises. The miners also demanded improvements in pay, vacation,
pension, work, housing and various welfare conditions. Some strike
committees succeeded in purging mine management as well as Party and
municipal officials. Nevertheless, the miners produced mainly
economic, welfare-related demands and not anti-communist slogans. To
make their demands publicly justified, the miners rebuffed
“outsiders,” the emissaries of intelligentsia opposition groups
from Kiev and Western Ukraine, who had tried to turn the strike into
a political struggle for Ukrainian independence.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Most
observers have stressed that the Party line was against the strike
(Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 22-23; Rusnachenko 1993: 73). Local
authorities and some mine managers tried to stop the spread of the
strike around the region by threatening and provoking the workers.
Although the majority of the region’s population fully supported
the miners’ action, the public opinion constructed by central mass
media considered the miners as being already “over-privileged”
and selfish. The miners’ demands were satisfied only after Mikhail
Gorbachev supported them in several public statements (Burnosov 1995:
32; see also Zabastovka 1989: 5-11). The miners also received the
widely publicised support from Boris El’tsin and members of the
USSR Supreme Soviet elected from the Donbas (see Zabastovka 1989: 22,
95). The 1989 strike produced an emerging sense of civic empowerment:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
every sphere, the conviction grew that the worker should have a
direct and clear input into the political system, and that the old
system that had proved so corrupt and hypocritical must be radically
changed (Friedgut and Siegelbaum 1990: 19).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
civic competence of the miners grew further with the gradual decline
of central authorities and de-legitimisation of Gorbachev reforms.
The Donbas miners did not dissolve their strike committees, which
were transformed into standing institutions. Further
institutionalisation and radicalisation of the miners’ movement
followed the 1989 strike. The strike commentators predicted, however,
that “unless miners forge links with workers in other industries
and further develop their new-found sense of civic competence, they
will be outmanoeuvred by the forces of rationalisation, and their
victory will have been short-lived” (Friedgut and Siegelbaum
1990:32).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">To
initiate co-operation with Ukrainian intelligentsia, shortly after
the July 1989 strike, a delegation of Donbas miners attended the
inaugural congress of the Ukrainian Popular Movement, Rukh. The
delegation openly declared their struggle to be not purely economic
but also political. The lack of understanding between workers and
national intelligentsia was said to be caused by the “divide and
rule” policy of the Communist party-controlled media (Kuzio and
Wilson 1994: 106). “We drank before, they pushed bottles in front
of us. Enough!” said one of the miners. “We need to learn.
Organise us lectures. Only not “schools of young Communists” –
we need legal, economic and political knowledge” (Ibid: 105).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">No
“lectures” were organised. Nevertheless, the miners’ movement
was drifting to the open disapproval of the Communist party rule. The
First and the Second All-Union Congresses of Miners, held in Donets’k
in June and October 1990 respectively, became political rather than
trade-unionist events. Resolutions adopted by the First Congress
accused the Communist party and the central government of blocking
transition to market and democracy (Burnosov 1995: 41-42). The miners
called for the resignation of the Soviet government and organised
several strikes and rallies to support their political demands. In
July 1990, about 256 mining, steel and transport enterprises hold
one-day political strike supporting the resolutions of the congress
(Sarzhan 1998: 167). Donbas miners began to withdraw from the
Communist party en masse.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">During
the Second Congress, activists of the movement declared a need for
establishing an independent miners’ trade union (Burnosov 1995:
42-43). With regard to the principles of a new economy, twenty six
percent of delegates at the Second Miners’ Congress stated a
preference for a “free market” economy, while 60 percent opted
for a “regulated market.” Preferences for “centralised planned
economy” and “basically centralised planned economy with some
elements of market relations” were chosen only by 6 percent of
delegates (Crowley and Siegelbaum 1995: 65). The Second Congress laid
down the basis for the establishment of the Independent Miners’
Union as an organisation aimed at defending the economic and social
rights of miners. In turn, standing strike committees took upon
themselves all the “dirty” political work (interview with Mikhail
Krylov, 1992, in Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995: 150).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
March-April 1991, the standing strike committees began to fulfill
their function by holding the second all-Union miners’ strike. This
time the miners called openly for the resignation of Gorbachev and
the central government, the dismantling the Soviet parliament and for
granting constitutional status to the Ukrainian Declaration of
Sovereignty (Siegelbaum 1997: 10; Sarzhan 1998: 168). The Donbas
miners did not wary of provoking repression since the weakness of the
Soviet state had long become apparent. The participation in the
strike by individual mines was not as representative as in 1989
(Burnosov 1995: 44). Moreover, the strike demands were not supported
by other groups of workers. As Crowley has indicated, other workers
could not join the Donbas miners for the prevalence of enterprise
paternalism (1995). All post-Soviet workers heavily depended on their
enterprises for the distribution of social goods, benefits and
privileges. However, it was other industries with their large
multifunctional plants and not coal pits that possessed a greater
social infrastructure. Social grievances appeared to be more
widespread among the coal miners than anybody else. And it was the
miners who did not have much to lose in their contention with
authorities. Thus, the radicalism of the miners’ movement was
unable to attract a broad working-class support.</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Notwithstanding,
the mass media had no restrictions on publicising the 1991 strike and
the authorities in Kiev and the Donbas supported the political
demands of the miners. The strike leaders also co-operated with
Ukrainian pro-independence and anti-communist groups. Although the
1991 strike did not assume a proportion capable of bringing down the
Soviet state, it became, nevertheless, “both a reflection of and a
further impetus to the decline of the Soviet ‘centre’”
(Siegelbaum 1997: 11). After the failed coup d’état of August 1991
in Moscow, the Soviet Union collapsed.</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
the referendum held on 1 December 1991, a Russified Donbas voted
overwhelmingly for the independence of Ukraine. With the turnout
approaching 80 percent, 84 percent of Donbas voters supported
independence (Kuzio and Wilson 1994: 198). On the same day, Leonid
Kravchuk, a Communist party functionary turned nationalist, was
elected to be president of Ukraine. The first phase of the miners’
movement was over.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Adjustment:
1992-1994</i></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">With
the new independent Ukraine, all the demands of the Donbas miners
seemed to be finally realised. Yet post-communist transformations and
Ukraine’s nation-building process soon generated new challenges for
the miners’ movement. The goals of the miners and other vocal
Ukrainian opposition groups in opposing the Soviet state and “Moscow
bureaucracy” were almost identical. This similarity, however, was
based on different beliefs. Ukrainian national intellectuals
perceived independence as their greatest objective per se. As Kuzio
and Wilson have emphasised, the intelligentsia has approached
“practical” demands of the workers as something to be solved by
itself through tackling the political issue. Members of Rukh, the
largest opposition force, concentrated on cultural and political
issues. At the First Congress of Rukh, promoting “democratisation
and the expansion of glasnost’” was supported by 75 percent of
the delegates; 73 percent advocated “the development of Ukrainian
language and culture,” but only 46 percent prioritised “the
solving of pressing economic problems” (Kuzio and Wilson 1994:
111). Contrary to the intelligentsia, the workers supported Ukraine’s
independence because they believed it would improve their material
conditions. The Donbas miners thought Ukraine’s independence would
assure the enterprise autonomy and the accountability of the state
(Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995; Kuzio and Wilson 1994: 110;
Siegelbaum 1997: 17; Kuromiya 1998: 333). As Crowley has put it:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
support of the Russian-speaking Donba[s] miners for Ukrainian
sovereignty was based not on nationalism, but on the hope that a
Ukrainian government with more independence would provide a better
deal than the Soviet government in terms of what it took away and
what it gave back, while events would be easier to control in Kiev
than in Moscow (Crowley 1995: 59).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
miners’ victory has appeared to be short-lived. Independence did
not bring economic betterment. Despite pressing economic needs, the
main effort of the state authorities was placed not on economic
transformation, but on the institutionalisation of the new Ukrainian
nation (von Hirschhausen 1998: 452). New Ukrainian authorities
appeared to be embedded with economic nationalism and habits of
central planning. Central ministries were continuing to prescribe
quantitative economic plans and the state retained its tight control
over the economy (Verkhovna Rada 1994). Ukraine’s government “tried
to preserve an industrial structure which could not be preserved”
(von Hirschhausen 1998: 452; see also Boss 1994; Sekarev 1995). By
the end of 1993, gross domestic product (GDP) fell by more than 40
percent (CIA 1999; Havrylyshyn et al. 1998). In 1993, real wages were
only 57.6 percent from the 1991 level.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Consumer
prices skyrocketed by 13,046 percent (Lavigne 1999: 290-291). As late
as 1994, Ukraine, in fact, had made no progress in reforming its
economy (EBRD 1994). The vague economic policy of successive
Ukrainian governments pushed the country into “one of the deepest
post-Soviet recessions experienced by any of the transition economies
not affected by war” (EIU 1998: 16).</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">By
1993, the most common feeling among Donbas workers was a sense of
approaching “civil war”, “revolution” or “social explosion”
(interviews with miners in Siegelbaum and Walkowitz 1995: 186; 209).
At this moment, regional elites – local administration officials,
clientelistic groupings and industrial lobbies – entered the
political stage to champion “the region’s interests”. In the
first few years after independence, Donets’k hold establishing
congresses and conferences of six political organisations: the
Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Labour Party, the Liberal
Party, the Party of Slavonic Unity and the Civic Congress of Ukraine
(Bolbat et al. 1994). Besides the communists, headed by Petro
Symonenko, the Donets’k oblast’ CPSU committee secretary in the
1980s, other parties failed to gain a broad country-wide support.
However, as some observers noticed, all the parties succeeded in
developing a similar political agenda for the Donbas, advocating
regional autonomy, self-government, legal status for Russian as the
official language in the Donbas and as a second state language in
Ukraine, and closer ties and re-integration within the CIS (Wilson
1993; Nemir’ya 1995; Smith and Wilson 1997: 849). As the Donbas was
significantly contributing to the national budget (see Table 4),
radicals accused Kiev of “expropriating all the Donbas monies”
and pumping them into nationalist and “culturally alien” West
Ukrainian provinces (see Nemir’ya 1995: 457). The regionalist
political agenda set by newly established parties and informal
groupings gained support from local mass media.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Donbas
miners joined the campaign. In February 1992, Ukrainian miners
established the Independent Miners’ Union of Ukraine (NPHU).
Firstly, the NPHU, alongside the once-official Trade Union of Coal
Mining Industry Employees (PPVP), began to pursue trade-unionist
demands bargaining with Kiev for subsidies, pensions and wages. Given
the unresponsiveness of Ukraine’s government preoccupied with
ethno-nationalising policies, the Donbas miners began to support the
idea of developing the region’s own economic policy. After several
waves of picketing the Ukrainian parliament, the offices of the
central government and the regional administration, the miners
resorted to the most successful mechanism of their movement. On 7
June 1993, the first mine in Donets’k stopped working. The next
day, another 75 mines joined the strike. The industrial action was
co-ordinated by the Donets’k strike committee which put forth
radical political demands: (1) regional independence for the Donbas,
and (2) a country-wide referendum on (no) confidence in Ukraine’s
president and the parliament (Crowley 1995: 6). More than 300 mines
and major industrial enterprises in the Donbas took part in the
strike.</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
political demands of the miners enjoyed the support of both coal
mining trade-unions, mine directors and other industrialists,
Donbas-based political parties and movements, local officials, mass
media and the majority of the region’s population:</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">It
was therefore not simply a strike of miners and other workers, nor a
“directors’ strike” with workers performing the role of foot
soldiers, but a regional protest against the government in Kiev, its
president, and policies that had brought the Donba[s] to its knees
(Crowley and Siegelbaum 1995: 72).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
strike did not end after president Kravchuk fired the then prime
minister Leonid Kuchma and appointed Iukhym Zviahil’skyi, director
of the mine where the strike had begun, to be the acting head of the
cabinet. Moreover, the tensions were growing. On 14 June 1993, the
Donets’k oblast’ legislature put on its agenda the declaration of
the Donbas “regional independence”. Russian was soon declared to
be the official language in the Donbas (Burnosov 1995: 55). The
support for regional independence was not overwhelming however.
Neither the leadership of NPHU and PPVP nor the rank and file miners
advocated Donbas independence (Burnosov 1995: 55). Nonetheless, the
Donets’k city strike committee threatened Kiev to call for a
general nation-wide strike and civil disobedience throughout the
region, unless the political demands were satisfied. Behaving
militantly, president Kravchuk declared the state of emergency in the
country and took over the cabinet. To prevent civil unrest, the
Ukrainian parliament finally agreed to hold the referendum on
Kravchuk’s presidency and new parliamentary elections. The
government’s emergency commission agreed to consider “economic
independence” for the Donbas and satisfy demands for wage increases
and indexations (Crowley and Siegelbaum 1995: 71-72; Crowley 1995:
6-7; Burnosov 1995: 54-56; Siegelbaum 1997: 18).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
June 1993 strike was the most successful contentious collective
action of Donbas miners. Their movement succeeded in sustaining
interaction with antagonists, elites and society. It also managed to
become the most powerful mobilising structure and framing process for
public protest in the country. However, as some commentators noticed,
the subsumption of the movement “within a larger regional framework
altered its character and placed it at the disposal of other economic
and political forces” (Crowley and Siegelbaum 1995: 72; see also
Nemir’ya 1995: 456). The scale of popular discontent turned the
miners’ strike into not so much an economic struggle “as a
struggle between the Donbas region and the rest of the country”
(Seigelbaum 1997: 18). This struggle provoked doubts in Ukraine’s
survival as an independent state (Solchanyk 1994; see Crowley 1995:
65). Though the 1993 strike was initiated by the miners, it had been
eventually headed by the regional elite and the oblast’
administration.</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Kuromiya
has argued that the miners’ demand for a free economic zone was, in
fact, a rejection of the old, centrally planed economy preserved by
the central government in Kiev (Kuromiya 1998: 333). Nonetheless,
pro-market features of the 1993 strike were engulfed in broader
regionalist protest. Consequently, in the March-April 1994
parliamentary elections, opposition forces headed by hard-liners from
the Communist party won the majority of seats in the region. In the
aftermath of the strike, Donbas voters assured the victory of Leonid
Kuchma, a former prime minister and a pragmatic industrialist, over
Leonid Kravchuk in the June-July 1994 presidential elections (see
Table 5). The miners’ movement entered the last phase of its
development.</span></span></div>
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>Fragmentation:
1995 - present</i></span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Actively
contending the governing authorities, Donbas miners perceived
democratisation and marketisation as means of achieving their main
aim. “Moscow bureaucrats” and “Kiev nationalists” were
consequently seen as the main obstacle to a “civilised way of
living.” With the election of Leonid Kuchma, the last miners’
rival fell down. However, it appeared that the “fruits” of
miners’ victory were to become their new and ultimate challenge
(Siegelbaum 1997).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
October 1994, the administration of president Kuchma launched a
programme of market-oriented reforms. Within three years, the
government achieved macro-economic and monetary stabilisation.
Inflation rate fell from skyrocketing 10,000 percent annually in 1993
to 15 percent in 1997. If between 1991 and 1996, Ukraine’s national
currency lost 18,000 times its value against US dollar, during the
next four years the national currency was devaluated by 3.3 times
only. Substantial progress was also made on price and trade
liberalisation and small-scale privatisation. The majority of
state-owned enterprises was formally privatised or commercialised. By
mid-1999, the private sector share of GDP reached 55 percent (EBRD
1999: 24). Nevertheless, Ukraine’s GDP continued to fall until a
one-percent recovery in 1998. Ukraine’s real GDP that year was only
38 percent of its 1989 level (Stern 1998: 2). The lack of any
significant structural reforms was blamed for the decline of
Ukraine’s economy (von Hirschhausen: 1998).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
World Bank and the International Energy Agency reports have described
Ukraine’s coal industry as in “a deep crisis” and in “a
painful decline” (WB 1996; IEA 1996). The coal industry suffered a
50 percent slump in coal output between 1990 and 1995.
Notwithstanding, labour rationalisation efforts were minimal.
According to independent reports, in 1995, Ukraine’s coal industry
employed 650,000 miners, who produced 65.6 million tons of coal in
276 mines and 64 coal washing plants. Taking into account people
employed in supporting functions, mining-related industries,
managerial and technical staff, and social services (such as
kindergartens, hospitals and sanatoria), the total number of
Ukraine’s coal industry employees was around 1,000,000 (i.e. 2.5
percent of the national labour force). One-third of Ukrainian mines
produced coal at a cost above the average import price (IEA 1996:
157-8; Lovei 1998: 2). The World Bank noted that “even under a
relatively optimistic scenario, about half of the people directly
employed in coal extraction may have to leave over the next five
years” (WB 1996: 19-21, as cited in Siegelbaum 1997: 16).
According to a famous observation, “the spectre of the Iron Lady
has hanged over the “bloated” mining industry, the miners’
movement, and the miners themselves” (Siegelbaum 1997: 1, 22).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">While
trying to curb inflation and reduce budget deficit, Ukraine’s
government decreased the amount of subsidies given to the coal
industry. The first restructuring efforts resulted in mounting
financial losses and payment arrears across all sectors of the
economy (see Figure 1). A new cycle of miners’ protest began in
November 1995, when all branch leaders of the NPHU went on a hunger
strike over unpaid wages and the deterioration in living conditions.
Coal deliveries to customers were halted (Monitor, November 3, 1995).
In February 1996, miners in Russia and Ukraine started a simultaneous
mass strike recalling the events of 1989.</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Nevertheless,
there was a critical difference between the previous and new phases
of contention. Contrary to the events of 1989 and 1991, the miners
now had “eschewed political demands to focus instead on their empty
wallets” (Monitor, February 2, 1996). Over 600,000 Donbas miners
took part in the protest refusing to load coal and demanding about
$122 million in back wages. Gaining support from steel workers, the
trade-union leaders called for a general strike. However, after some
government’s promises to pay the wages, the strike was “suspended.”</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Notwithstanding
the resignation of prime minister Evhen Marchuk, the industrial
action was soon resumed. In July 1996, about 140,000 Donbas miners
took part in blocking roads, railway tracks and picketing the
regional administration headquarters. Given the paralysis of highway
and rail traffic in the Donbas, Ukraine’s new prime minister, Pavlo
Lazarenko, and other government officials concluded a strike
settlement with both miners’ trade unions. The government assured a
full repayment of the overdue wages. Donets’k governor was
dismissed by president Kuchma for “having lost control of the
situation in the region.” Nevertheless, radical leaders of the
Donets’k strike committee did not accept the settlement and
continued the strike and the traffic blockage. This time, the
governing authorities resorted to repression. The leaders of the
Donets’k strike committee were arrested and put on trial in a
remote provincial town. The riot police forced the miners to clear
roads and railway tracks.</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">After
the July 1996 protest, the fragmentation of the miners’ movement
was furthered by the government’s restructuring programme. All coal
mines were divided into four categories: (1) profitable mines; (2)
mines that were given a year to regain profitability; (3) mines
scheduled to be closed down within three to five years; (4) mines,
where production were stopped in anticipation of immediate closure
(Lovei 1998; Egorova and Otto 1998). The non-payment crisis
accompanied by a “Thatcherite solution” had an immense impact on
the miners’ movement:</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.48in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Many
who were once active became disgusted with the failure of the
movement to improve conditions for miners and their families or even
arrest their deterioration. Some have taken advantage of skills honed
in strike committees to go into business or another profession.
Mutual recrimination and rivalry between the two unions, among
different regions and within them, profitable and unprofitable mines,
repeatedly fractured the movement causing further leakage. Tensions
within the movement were exacerbated by the unequal distribution of
subsidies which virtually invited miners to engage in locally
organised protests to obtain their share (Siegelbaum 1997: 21).</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">From
then on, wildcat strikes, spontaneous hunger strikes and pickets
became a daily occurrence in the Donbas. The repertoire of contention
included the blocking of roads and railway lines, a bomb threat,
marches of miners to regional capitals and Kiev, “indefinite”
refusals to work and underground strikes. Clashes with police,
collective suicide threats and several committed protest suicides
were among the most violent contentious actions that miners resorted
to. The payment of wage and pension arrears became the most repeated
demand.</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
May 1998, when the wage arrears approached US$1 billion, the NPHU
called a strike supported, nevertheless, by only 100,000 Donbas
miners at 45 mines. The participants demanded the payment of wage and
pension arrears, restoration of the 1990 parity of wages, pensions
and social benefits, and priority public financing for the coal
industry. The PPVP did not support the strike as “being
counterproductive”. Given the lack of co-ordination among the two
trade unions, some miners resorted to spontaneous measures. About
three thousand miners from western Donbas marched on foot about 100
kilometres to the regional capital of Dnipropetrovs’k and camped
outside the oblast’ administration building to claim wage arrears.</span></span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Some
1,000 miners reached Kiev on foot. Notwithstanding the mass media
publicity, the state and societal responses to the miners’ protest
were becoming increasingly hostile:</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Popular
support for miners weakened when, starting in mid-1998,
representatives of other professions that were also suffering from
unpaid wages (such as teachers and nurses) argued publicly against
giving special treatment to miners. Recognising an opportunity, the
government decided to revitalise the process of coal industry
restructuring. A new coal minister was appointed in early June, and
agreement was reached with the World Bank about a revised reform
programme … bringing to fifty-two the number of mines closed or
under closure (Lovei 1998: 6).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Donbas
miners were again accused of being only interested in “pulling all
the blanket on themselves”. The miners’ reaction this time was
not anger but desperation. The suicide rate in the Donbas grew. On 14
December 1998, on the 155th day of picketing the oblast’
administration building in Luhans’k, one of 200 miners, Oleksandr
Mykhalevych, set himself on fire. On 22 January 1999, another miner,
Oleksandr Konariov, also burned himself to death to protest against
the humiliation of not being paid (Associated Press, 20 February
1999).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Common
depressive feelings among the region’s population were reflected in
the results of the 1998 parliamentary elections, when extreme left
and populist parties scored the biggest victories in the region (see
Table 6). The miners’ protest voting led to an additional $300
million allocated to the industry by the new parliament.
Nevertheless, new elections did not appear to succeed in halting the
pit closures. In line with official data, by the end of 1998, the
first twelve mines were closed in the Donbas. Around 372,000
employees left Ukraine’s coal industry that year. In 1999, another
20 mines were shut. The government planned to close another 49 mines
in 2000. Thus, the fragmentation of the miners’ movement was
followed by the start of their industry’s destruction.</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">In
February 1999, 171 mines stopped dispatching coal to customers. The
miners, organised this time by both trade unions, demanded the
payment of wage arrears and the increase of subsidies to the coal
industry. The NPHU threatened to put forth political demands,
including the resignation of the government and the president and to
organise massive riots unless the miners’ demands were met. Having
decided to run for re-election in October 1999, president Kuchma was
ready to intervene into the labour conflict. He ordered the cabinet
to “prioritise payment of the miners’ wage arrears”. To
mitigate social unrest and mainly to gain support from the ambitious
Donbas elites, president Kuchma finally granted a status of “free
economic zone” to Donets’k oblast’, the most populous among the
two Donbas provinces. According to a law adopted by the parliament
just before the October 1999 presidential elections, Donets’k
oblast’ was designated for the establishment of two special
economic zones with long tax and custom duty havens. Seventeen mining
towns in the Donbas were given a status of “priority development
territories” (Verkhovna Rada 1999).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">During
the 1999 presidential campaign, Kuchma visited the Donbas on several
media publicised occasions. Using heavy-handed techniques against his
opponents, Kuchma began to re-conquer the Donbas “Soviet belt”
previously occupied exclusively by the Communist party. He promised
to provide Donbas clientelistic elites with even more “economic
independence”. In return, he was given an overwhelming backing by
regional officials, local business circles and mass media (Kyiv Post,
20 May 1999). “Kuchma is for the Donbas. So, the Donbas is for
Kuchma!” was the message to get the best promotion in the region
(Kyiv Post, 28 October 1999). This message also appeared to be the
most heard one. During the first round of the elections on 31 October
1999, Donbas voters gave their preferences to Petro Symonenko,
Donets’k-based leader of Ukrainian communists. Nevertheless, during
the second round on 14 December 1999, Kuchma succeeded in defeating
Symonenko in the Donbas and, thus, in the country as a whole (see
Table 7).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Soon
after the elections, the bulk of state-owned property was
redistributed to Ukraine’s most powerful elites that fully
supported the “old and new” president (Halyts’ki kontrakty, no.
2-3, January 2000). According to several presidential decrees,
Donets’k and Dnipropetrovs’k oblast’ administrations were given
management rights over all state-owned and state-controlled companies
and enterprises in their respective oblast’s. The two oblast’s
administrations have obtained management rights over the two largest
energy companies in Ukraine. The oblast’’ officials were
effectively empowered to authorise all economic activity in the two
regions (Halyts’ki kontrakty, no. 7, February 2000). Moreover, the
government and the regional elites initiated talks as to the
establishment by July 2000 of Donets’k and Dnipropetrovs’k
regional power “supercompanies”. The two “supercompanies”
would encompass all energy, coal mining and washing enterprises, as
well as R&D and banking institutions that exist in Donets’k and
Dnipropetrovs’k oblast’s.</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Donbas
miners struck relentlessly in January and February 2000. The
industrial action was either spontaneous or organised separately by
the NPHU or the PPVP. Almost all steam mines (120 out of 135 left)
halted to deliver coal to customers demanding higher subsidies and
wages, the payment of wage and pension arrears as well as the
stoppage of increasing coal imports from Poland and Russia. The
Ukrainian government decisively refused to “cede itself to the
populist demands”. According to a local newspaper, “the
trade-union leaders do not nourish any particular hopes in the
success of their action” (Gorod, No. 6, February 2000).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Explaining
the failure</b></span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Since
1989, Donbas miners have been engaged in a sustained contentious
interaction with their powerful opponents – the state and governing
authorities. Resorting to various forms of protest, the miners’
movement has tried to facilitate the creation of “normal life”
for its participants. As the sections above have shown, the miners
did not succeed in achieving their aim. The sad irony is that the
miners’ movement failed even to arrest the deterioration in living
and working conditions of its participants. The Donbas miners
continued to live and perish under increasingly desperate
circumstances. Writing in 1997, Lewis Siegelbaum noted that “the
miners’ movement has been sufficiently powerful to prevent a
‘Thatcherite solution’, but not strong enough to compel their
governments to adopt a more human one” (p. 27). By now, the
strength of the miners’ movement has been weakened even further.
Why has the miners’ movement failed? Was there any chance for its
success?</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Social
movement theories emphasise the significance of three broad sets of
factors that account for the emergence, development or decline of
contentious politics. These three determinants are: (1) political
opportunities – “changes in the institutional structure or
informal power relations of a given political system;” (2)
mobilising structures – “those collective vehicles, informal as
well as formal, through which people mobilise and engage in
collective action;” and (3) framing processes – “conscious
strategic efforts by groups of people to fashion shared
understandings of the world and of themselves that legitimate and
motivate collective action” (McAdam et al. 1996: 1-20). Tarrow has
linked these three broad sets of factors by stressing the degree of
turbulence generated by social movements:</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Changes
in political opportunities and constraints create the most important
incentives for initiating new phases of contention. These actions in
turn create new opportunities both for the original insurgents and
for latecomers, and eventually for opponents and power holders. The
cycles of contention – and in rare cases, the revolutions – that
ensue are based on the externalities that these actors gain and
create. The outcomes of such waves of contention depend not on the
justice of the cause or the persuasive power of any single movement,
but on their breadth and the reactions of elites and other groups
(1998: 7).</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">It
is argued that the failure of the Donbas miners’ movement was
determined in the first cycle of its contention. During the
mobilisation phase, the miners used the changes in political
opportunities and constraints provided by perestroika and
democratisation to engage into the collective contentious action
against powerful Moscow “partocrats”. The shifting of alignments
within the Communist state hierarchy assured the absence of
repression against the workers. The division of political elites
between communist hard-liners, bureaucratic moderates and nationalist
radicals provided the miners with access to the political output.</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">However,
it was the “national democratic” intelligentsia but not the
workers from other industries that appeared to become the miners’
most influential allies in their fight for the autonomy and
independence from the “centre”. The opponents of the Donbas
miners and the Ukrainian intellectuals – “imperialists and
exploiters in Moscow” – were identical. Nevertheless, the framing
process of their joint collective action was different. The miners
mobilised for welfare gains, believed to be achieved through
marketisation and privatisation. On the other hand, the preservation
of national culture and language, threatened by Russian and Soviet
assimilatory policies, was the main concern of the Ukrainian
humanitarian intelligentsia. So long as “Moscow” continued to
exist, the link between the workers and the intellectuals sustained
itself. That link was vague however. Operating within different
cultural frames, the miners and the intellectuals failed to establish
a common mobilising structure to reinforce their pro-democracy and
pro-market challenges. No joint opposition institution emerged.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Besides
the intellectuals, there was another broader segment of the
population to whom the miners’ strive for normal life could had
been more appealing. Why did not other post-Soviet Ukraine’s
workers join the Donbas miners? Crowley indicated that the difference
in economic deprivation and enterprise paternalism determined, on the
one hand, the particular militancy of miners and, on the other hand,
the lack of trans-occupational solidarity among workers in general
(1995). The apparent lack of working-class solidarity is recognised
as the main reason for the failure of the labour movement to “become
an organised political force of capable of bringing about permanent
social changes” (Temkina 1991: 17; as quoted in Crowley and
Siegelbaum 1995: 66; for similar accounts see Teague 1992). Hence no
Ukrainian “Solidarity” was born.</span></span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
political opportunities created by the common action of Donbas miners
and Kiev intellectuals were eventually seized by the former
nomenklatura and new business elites. During the second phase of the
miners’ movement, the support previously provided by the national
intelligentsia vanished. Coal managers, regional clientelistic
groupings, business elites and broad segments of the local Russophone
population were to become new miners’ allies. The movement was
gradually transformed into a powerful mobilising structure for
regionalist protest. The 1993 strike became a significant political
opportunity for latecoming local elites in their contentious
interaction with the new “centre”. By opposing Kiev antagonists,
the miners’ movement became a part in the national power struggle
between regional and central clientelistic groupings and elites.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
start of market reforms and industrial restructuring fragmented and
further weakened the miners’ movement. The Donbas elites gained an
access to privatisation and property re-distribution mechanisms and
lost their interest in the miners’ mobilising structures. In the
third cycle of contention, the miners’ movement was abandoned by
its last ally – broad strata of the Donbas population. The economic
crisis enormously increased the cost of collective contentious
action. The double dependence of workers on the enterprise and, in
turn, of the enterprise on the state budget became the main
demobilising factor in the workers’ fight for survival (Crowley and
Siegelbaum 1995; Cook 1995; Crowley 1995; Siegelbaum 1997).</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Growing
unemployment and the degradation in living standards among various
social groups of the Ukrainian society had a deligitimising affect on
the miners’ movement. The sense of injustice and emotionality
eventually turned into a feeling of helplessness, frustration and
depression. Political opportunities previously enjoyed by the miners
also declined. The access to political and economic output was closed
by the emerging consensus between former antagonists. Under Kuchma,
national power struggle games became an internal affair of Kiev,
Dnipropetrovs’k and Donets’k elites. The elites’ selective use
of repression (as during the 1996 strikes), fragmentation (e.g. by
providing the mines with different status) and incentives (e.g. by
granting “economic independence”) had the effect of demobilising
the miners.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
Donbas miners began their contention as a civil reformist movement.
They mobilised hoping for changes in the economic and political
system to be obtained through democratic and market-oriented reforms.
The miners’ action ended as a marginal labour movement from a
declining industry trying to save jobs and income. According to
several observers, such a drastic trajectory could have been avoided,
had the miners forged an organised political identity with a
social-democratic platform (Walkowitz 1995; Crowley 1995). However,
no one appeared to be able to ally with the miners to imprint this
political identity in a broader political institution.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Counterbalancing
the state</b></span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">The
case of the Donbas miners suggests that not all Eastern Europeans
were able to sustain their patience under post-communism. Some
Eastern Europeans did protest against draconian economic conditions
of post-communist transformation. Moreover, they resorted to violent
and disruptive as well as conventional forms of public protest. The
militancy of the miners’ movement was caused by a traditional
factor – economic inequality and deprivation. The miners’
contentious action produced a social movement capable of influencing
state policies and the government. Nevertheless, what happened
afterwards was not the outcome the social movement had aimed at.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">It
appears that it is not the mere existence or absence of public
protest that matters. Even violent, disruptive and prolonged public
protest can be a failure without a constructive response from elites
and social groups. As Tarrow has suggested, policy elites respond not
to the claims of any individual movement but to the degree of
turbulence generated by it (1998: 25). In the case of Ukraine,
firstly, the cultural framing process associated with the Donbas
miners’ movement could not generate a country-wide turbulence or a
constructive reaction from other societal groups. Second, the
political constraints and economic crisis disabled any further
turbulence and made it self-defeating. New political opportunities,
framing processes and even mobilising structures created by the
miners’ movement were seized not by the original insurgents
themselves, but by others who sought more “modest”, less
inclusive utility-maximising goals and were more effective at
advancing them (Tarrow 1998: 174-5). The Donbas miners were
effectively outmaneuvred by rent-seeking latecomers from the regional
elite as well as by power holders. Thus, the miners’ movement
failed to bring about far reaching social changes or, at least, to
defend its claims due to an absence of allies rather than to the
alleged lack of protest.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Since
its birth during the “hot summer” of 1989, the Donbas miners’
movement became a symbol of the emerging civil society. The miners
were a group of citizens actively checking and opposing the state.
Moreover, on several occasions, the miners clearly approached the
victory of civil society, “when the state was checked by an
institution with an economic base” (Gellner 1996: 211). The failure
of the miners’ movement suggests that during post-communist
transformation, the state can preserve and increase its power over
other public spheres. The role of the state and governing authorities
in conducting economic transition or re-distributing public property
can be very significant. When it is the case, polity and economy
continue to be an interconnected entity that relies on informal
bargains and personal rewards rather than economic growth for its
stability. The Donbas miners failed because they were not given a
positive societal response. Other social groups did not join the
movement due to their dependence on the state budget and the
bureaucrats responsible for the re-distribution of the budget. Under
the circumstances where there is no economy independent from the
state and the polity, civil society and its institutions have no
autonomous base for existence. Paraphrasing Gellner, one must say
that it is still clear who is boss in some post-communist societies.</span></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Bibliography</b></span></span></div>
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<br />
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Greskovits,
Béla (1998). The Political Economy of Protest and Patience.
Budapest: CEU Press.</span></span></div>
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<br />
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Havrylyshyn,
Oleh, Ivailo Izvorski, and Ron van Rooden (1998). “Recovery and
Growth in Transition Economies 1990-1997,” IMF Working Papers No.
WP98/141.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">International
Energy Agency (1996). Energy Sector of Ukraine: 1996 Survey. Paris:
OECD</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Publications.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Kostiukovskii,
Viktor (1990). Kuzbass: Zharkoe leto 89-go. Moscow: Sovremennik.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Kuromiya,
Hiroaki (1998). Freedom and Terror in the Donbas. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Kuzio,
Taras, and Andrew Wilson (1994). Ukraine: Perestroika to
Independence. London: Macmillan.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Lavigne,
Marie (1999). The Economics of Transition, 2nd ed. London: Macmillan.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Lewis
H. Siegelbaum, and Daniel J. Walkowitz, eds. (1995). Workers of the
Donbass Speak: Survival and Identity in the New Ukraine, 1989-1992.
Albany: State University of New York Press.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Lovei,
Laszlo (1998). “Coal Restructuring in Ukraine,” Public Policy for
the Private Sector World Bank Viewpoint Note No. 170: 1-7.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Marynych
O.M., ed., (1989). Heohrafichna entsyklopediia Ukraïny, vol. 1.
Kiev: URE im. M.P. Bazhana. McAdam, Doug, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer
N. Zald, eds. (1996). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Monitor (1995-1999). vol. 1-5.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Nemyr’ya,
Grigorii (1995). “A qualitative Analysis of the Situation in the
Donbass,” in K.Segbers and S. De Spiegeleire, eds., Post-Soviet
Puzzles: Mapping the Political Economy of the Former Soviet Union,
Vol. 2. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, pp. 451- 466.</span></span></div>
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Europe. </span></span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Reshetilova
T.B., B.L. Raihel, and S.V. Poliakov (1997). Ugol’naia
promyshlennost’ v razvitii proizvodite’nykh sil Ukrainy. Moscow:
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Rusnachenko,
A.N (1993). “Stachka shakhtiorov na Ukraine v iiule 1989 goda,”
Otechestvennaia istoriia no. 1: 66-77.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Samuel,
Raphael, ed. (1977). Miners, Quarrymen and Saltworkers. London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Sarzhan,
Anatolii (1998). Sotsial’no-ekonomicheskie I politicheskie
protsessy v Donbasse (1945-1998). Donetsk: Stalker.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Sekarev,
A. (1995). “Ukraine: Crisis on the Basis of Vague Economic Policy,”
Problems of Economic Transition 37, no. 9: 40-56.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Shulman,
Stephen (1999). “The Cultural Foundations of Ukrainian National
Identity,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 6: 1011-1036.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Siegelbaum,
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Miners’ Dilemma in the Soviet Union and Its Successor States,”
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Smith,
Graham, and Andrew Wilson (1997). “Rethinking Russia’s
Post-Soviet Diaspora: The Potential for Political Mobilisation in
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Solchanyk,
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">Stern,
Nicholas (1998). “The Future of the Economic Transition,” EBRD
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</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-41746409207649583292011-12-01T11:38:00.000-08:002012-05-08T11:41:08.053-07:00"Як мені їх убіждать, щоб ждали автобуса? Воювать із таксистами? Чи рекламою заніматься?"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5RIkJH75yYsTOcTq7HZHhhHgQOVMO9g1CJBA9B0n63cq6iPlyZIas_ND3iZzf5pt4BRLnggn0l-AD6koKOPr7x52I0MplVjMYu_IsVNIH18ulhwfb1EdhU1ntlrlzZeAaQAssSaJS7xV4/s1600/bus+stop.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5RIkJH75yYsTOcTq7HZHhhHgQOVMO9g1CJBA9B0n63cq6iPlyZIas_ND3iZzf5pt4BRLnggn0l-AD6koKOPr7x52I0MplVjMYu_IsVNIH18ulhwfb1EdhU1ntlrlzZeAaQAssSaJS7xV4/s200/bus+stop.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Розповідь працівниці автобусної компанії "Політ" на маршруті між м.Київ та аеропортом "Бориспіль", записана Анастасією Рябчук. Інтерв'ю доступне для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект "Праця і робітничий рух в Україні". </div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; line-height: 16px;"><a name='more'></a></span><br />
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* * *</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Замерзла я уже тут
стояти. А ще нас так тут поставили, що і
не сховаєшся ніде, хіба під мостом, но
там такий вітер дує, продуває наскрізь.
Україна для людей. Це ж на остановці
должно би буть хоть якесь укриття, хотя
би палатку би поставили, щоб від дощу,
від вітру спрятатись, та й лавочку, щоб
присісти передохнуть. А тут же нічого
цього нема. Раньше була остановка, но
щас від неї тіки кілки з землі торчать,
щоб люди спотикались да падали. То
приходиться на семи вітрах стоять.
Мерзну я, дуже мерзну. Да і літом не дуже
воно удобно, в жару на ногах не видержую,
а тіні тут ніде нема, щоб спрятаться.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Даже в туалет то нада
переходить по ту сторону дороги, в
Макдональдс. То як нада сходить, то я
тільки один автобус відпущу, зразу бігом
біжу, щоб за пятнадцять минут успіть
вернуться до слідуючого автобуса. Щоб
не пропустить ні одного. Перерива на
обід у мене нема, я должна буть на місці,
провірить чи всі пасажири з білетами,
записать собі у блокнот як хтось без
білета був.
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Записую теж коли автобус
приїхав сюда. Щоб не задержувались. Здаю
потім ці записи адміністрації, вони
провіряють, буває водітєлю виговор
роблять, якщо він не воврємя виїхав чи
пасажирів без білетів брав. І мені
виговор, якщо я когось не побачила, не
пощітала. А воно знаєш як – зайшов,
пощітав, що вроді двадцять людей, записав.
А там двадцять один був. Ну не побачила
я там одного, а ще як автобус повний і
як сумок усі в проходах понаставляють,
так не дуже там і пройдеш, щоб пощітати.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Ругають теж мене як
пасажирів мало їде. Но я що виновата?
Кажуть, щоб я там присматрювала, щоб
таксісти з машинами не переманювали.
Ти ж глянь як вони з усіх боків поставали,
що до автобуса і не підступиш. А людям
же як удобніше. Прийшов на остановку,
автобус тіки поїхав і ще пятнадцять
минут ждать, а тут сів зразу в машину і
можна вже їхати. Я ж понімаю, що їм
удобніше, що я буду їм казать? Як мені
їх убіждать, щоб ждали автобуса? То хай
адміністрація міліцію визве, щоб сюди
приїхала і розібралась, що це за таксисти
і чи мають вони право тут стоять. Щоб
очистила від них тут місце. Це ж їм просто
так приїхать і розібраться, якщо хочуть.
А я що зроблю?
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Буває таксисти взагалі
наглі – прямо до автобуса біжать і людей
за руки відтягують. Отак перші пару
людей заходить в автобус, а остальних
таксисти собі забирають, розказують,
що по ціні їм так само буде як і на
автобусі, но бистріше доїдуть. Так а
мені що робить – воювать із таксистами?
Чи рекламою заніматься? Та я й без реклами
устаю так, що додому як мертва приїжджаю,
а мені адміністрація каже, щоб я ще
ходила закликала людей на автобус. Якщо
я так не закликаю і людей мало виходить,
чи якщо проштрафлюсь, не так пощітаю,
чи якщо водій опоздав, а я не вичитала
його, не написала це в рапорт, так мені
ще проблеми. Переводять тоді мене на
другу роботу – мить і убирать автобуси.
Це як наказаніє таке. Врємєнно.
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Но все одно – то ж не
моя робота водія вичитувать, хай вони
самі вичитують. Настраюють нас друг
против друга, щоб ми як шпіони, як донощики
друг на друга кляузи писали. І ще за
кляузи бонуси дають. А як не пишеш, дак
ругають. Це не мені одній не нравляться
такі порядки, но що ж поробиш. І так
добре, що робота є. Нас у колективі шість
людей на зміну, одна в Борисполі, друга
тут, де я, третя на вокзалі. Робимо по
дванадцять часов, два на два. Тоїсть
двоє суток робимо, а двоє отдихаємо, а
друга зміна робить. Дак даже як усі ми
начнем протестувать, дак шо буде –
уволять нас усіх і другий колектив
наберуть. Так хоч робота є.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Но не думала я, що буду
оце так перед пенсією тут стояти в
автобуси закликати. Це аби мені хто
двадцять-тридцять років назад сказав
би, що таке мене жде – не повірила б. Я
начинала роботу в міліції секретаркою.
А потім як сократили нас, то в торгівлі
робила. В Борисполі все. Це ще з Борисполя
сюди добираться, то получається, що я
даже не по дванадцять, а по чотирнадцять
часов у день на ногах. В аеропорту хто
робить, так трохи ближче, но не набагато.
Тоже добираються. У нас півгорода навєрно
в аеропорту робить, другої роботи то
щітай шо нема.
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
Зарплата у мене тисяча
двісті гривень. Получається що пятнадцять
днів по дванадцять часов – сто восімдесят
часов у місяць. Скіки там – двадцять
гривень за три часа? Це менше семи гривень
у час – так же ж? Мало. А я й не щітала
раньше як воно за час буде.</div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-82497916160259608442011-11-30T11:17:00.000-08:002012-05-08T11:26:10.876-07:00The Donbas Miners' Movement in the Very Late Soviet Era: An Historical Perspective"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Whether it makes more sense to conceive of the miners of the Donbas and their collective representation as confronted by forces analogous to fourteenth-century western Europe or sixteenth-century eastern Europe, clearly theirs has not been an easy lot since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Of course, much the same can be said for the overwhelming majority of other workers. What distinguished the miners, however, was not extraordinary privation but rather their sustaining of an "independent" movement determined to create a "normal life" for themselves and their families. Now increasingly demoralized and numbering no more than 400,000, they probably no longer have what it takes to continue to do so.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><a name='more'></a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">by: Lewis
H. Siegelbaum</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Department
of History, Michigan State University</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">In
July 1989, miners went on strike throughout the Soviet Union's
far-flung coalfields. This was big news at the time. The unfolding of
glasnost and perestroika hitherto had provoked little response from
workers in contrast to the Moscow-centered intelligentsia, and
neophyte nationalists in the Baltic, the Caucasus, and western
Ukraine. Suddenly, class issues were thrown into the mix, and the
western media accommodated by sending correspondents and film crews
to parts of Russia and Ukraine rarely visited in the past</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">I
arrived in Donetsk towards the tail end of the strike as part of a
motley crew of scholars, videographers, and college students who had
been assembled in Pittsburgh by an unemployed steelworker to take
advantage of a recently launched sister-city exchange program. Thus
began my acquaintance with the "city of coal and roses,"
its mines, and miners. It was, at first, a rather uncomfortable
experience. More than once I and my colleagues were mistaken by
miners for "</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>korrespondenty</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">"
from the western media ("Eto BBC, da? Washington Post?"). A
labor historian whose work then focused exclusively on the 1930s, I
had managed to limit my acquaintance with Soviet workers to libraries
and archives. They, my subjects, were all deceased and as far as I
was concerned, that was just fine. In Donetsk by contrast, I was
persuaded to interview on camera miners - both active and retired -
members of their families, neighbors, managerial and
engineering-technical personnel, trade union officials, and even the
proverbial man (or, as I recall, women) in the street. From such
interviews, a rather dramatic meeting of the Kuibyshev and Panfilov
mines' trade union council filmed by our crew, and footage of the
strike itself obtained from Donetsk television, an hour-length
documentary film was made. It remains an effective device for
teaching about that particular time and place.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">I
returned to Donetsk twice, in 1991 and 1992, to do more
interviewing. In the course of those years and for a few that
followed, I wrote quite a bit about the miners' movement. Some of it
was </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>publisistika
</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">and
included an attempt to expose the strong-arm tactics of the AFL-CIO's
Free Trade Union Institute; some masqueraded as oral history; and
some was a combination of several genres. The fact that with the
exception of a few articles all were collaborative suggests the
degree to which I was unsure of going it alone as I ventured into and
remained within the contemporary. Some time later in the 1990s,
hoping to catch up with what had happened in the interim, I returned
to the subject of the miners' movement, but still unsure of the
status or quality of my work and whether it was sufficiently
"historical," published it in a rather obscure journal.
Thereafter, I more or less abandoned attempts to keep up to date,
publishing only one article of a general nature, a "ten-year
retrospective" on labor in post-Soviet Russia. In the meantime,
a rich, extensive literature on the miners' movement had been
produced by sociologists and political scientists well disposed
towards labor if not the solutions proffered by the movement itself.
However, for reasons that may have had to do with the greater
political salience of the Russian movement, most of it focused on the
Kuzbass and Inta regions rather than the Ukrainian Donbas. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">It
is now more than fifteen years since the events of 1989 first brought
the miners' movement to the world's attention and me to the Donbas.
This is long enough to have developed an historical perspective about
what happened then and subsequently, although the passage of time
alone is not and never can be sufficient. In revisiting this terrain,
I have discovered the need to revise some of my earlier formulations
partly in response to previously overlooked or new ones and partly
because subsequent developments have thrown into relief the
peculiarities of the period. My framework of analysis is the
interplay between agency (usually associated with choice,
spontaneity, and indeterminacy) and circumstances or structure
(recurring patterns of thought and behavior that limit agency) with
an appreciation for the overlapping if not fluid character of these
dual determinations.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Samokritika</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
of an Historian</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">As
Charles Maier has written with respect to the dissolution of East
Germany, "a reading of the events of 1989 . . . suggests (and
not just in a trivial tautological sense) that political action in
its own right first beckons and then certainly succeeds only when
long-term conditions permit." The reverse, he notes, is also the
case: "the same events reveal that political activity, at least
if pursued with stamina and persistence, helps shape in turn the
causal environment critical to its own success." In other words,
"the year 1989 confirms that historical analysis must rely
continuously on working out this reciprocal interaction."
Recognizing the usefulness of this observation, it is incumbent on
the historian to specify the mechanisms that make an environment
"causal."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Let
us begin by examining the agents of political action and the
environment within which they acted. At the most basic level, the
miners' movement could not have existed without the presence of at
least three factors: lots of miners, a general feeling among them of
having lost ground, and the perception among activists that
circumstances favored taking their grievances beyond normal channels.
As of 1989, some 1.2 million people were employed in coal mining in
the Soviet Union of whom nearly two-thirds were involved directly in
production. Despite the increased importance in recent decades of
nuclear power, natural gas and other sources of energy, coal remained
a significant component of the Soviet fuel balance. Indeed, just as
the Soviet Union had overtaken the United States as the world's
leading producer of crude steel and other quintessentially industrial
materials by the 1970s, so even earlier it surpassed the US and all
other countries in coal tonnage. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">But
so what? These were indices of industrial prowess of a bygone era,
part of what Maier (again) referred to as the "romance of coal
and steel," that reached its apogee in the 1930s and 1940s.
Think of the giant smelting plants in the American heartland, think
of Stakhanov and Magnitogorsk. Through the 1950s the integrated steel
mill was a worldwide industrial status symbol, the basis of western
Europe's post-war industrial reconstruction, but by the 1970s this
was no longer the case. The simultaneous decline of coal in the West
was even more precipitous. In the Ruhr, mining which had employed
500,000 people in the mid 1950s was the occupation of only 128,000 in
1977; in France, there were only 43,000 miners by 1980 compared to
320,000 in 1960; and in Britain during those twenty years, the
workforce was halved while output dropped from 200 million tons to
130 million. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">"Constant
revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all
social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation . . . All
old-established national industries . . . dislodged by new
industries." Marx and Engels would have understood quite well
what was happening during these painful decades of restructuring.
By contrast, the centrally planned "socialist" economies of
Eastern Europe stuck to what they knew best, continuing to "pump
iron" in Maier's felicitous phrase. Think Nova Huta. This
strategy involved little social uprooting or displacement; it was
more like staying in place. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
problem was that the more these economies integrated themselves with
the capitalist "globalizing" economies via trade and
credits for investment, the more the romance of coal and steel doomed
millions of workers to "a subsidized system of 'outdoor relief'
or job subsidies." The 1980s was the decade in which (thanks to
Margaret Thatcher's unyielding hostility to subsidies of any kind
except those targeting entrepreneurs) Britain divested itself all but
a handful of the 170 mines that had employed more than 180,000
workers as late as 1984; at the same time, coal extraction in the
United States relocated to the non-unionized, open-pit mines of the
western states. The result was a more than twofold increase in output
per worker but a halving of the mining workforce. The similarities
between the Pittston strike in Virginia with the more or less
simultaneously occurring Soviet miners' strike are superficial,
notwithstanding expressions of mutual solidarity. The Pittston strike
was essentially against the company's radical departure from what had
been standard employment and benefit practices; the Soviet strike
was precipitated by the failure of the state to change anything
except its rhetoric.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">In
March 1990 Ted Friedgut and I wrote that "It was not fear of the
disruptive effects of economic reform that drove the miners to
strike, but rather anxiety that perestroika was passing them by."
I now would argue that this statement as well as our formulation of
"perestroika from below" was insufficiently nuanced and
exaggerated the extent to which miners and other workers identified
with the agenda and policies of Mikhail Gorbachev. It flattened
multiple possibilities into dichotomies such as the friends and foes
of change, pro- and anti-perestroika factions, and reformists and
"hard-liners," formulations that were fairly common in
western discourse then and for some time thereafter. It denied the
possibility that what was at stake was not whether change was
possible or even the speed with which it was to occur, but rather the
direction of change and who would control it.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">To
say as we did - with rather alarming confidence - that "the
outbreak of the strike was the result of frustrated expectations"
was to presuppose that expectations among this particular segment of
Soviet society had been raised in the first place. There was some
basis for this assumption, namely the results of a sociological
survey among 216 Donetsk miners that seemed to indicate that
frustrated expectations were "the primary cause." But I now
am moved to wonder who was putting whom on, that is, whether miners
were simply engaging in the standard practice of subalterns of
presenting a public transcript to authorities, witless sociologists,
and other scholars. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Did
miners ever believe that the perestroika about which Gorbachev and
his fellow Communist reformists talked incessantly would improve
their lot? There is little evidence to support an affirmative answer
to this question. To be sure, the early declarations issued by the
miners' strike and workers' committees in July and August 1989 made
mention of "all possible support for economic perestroika"and
the like. But such formulations might equally support the contention
that, much like nationalists in the Baltic republics and Armenia,
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>kooperativshchiki</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
and party bosses transforming themselves into petty (and not so
petty) capitalists, miners were appropriating the language of
perestroika for purposes of protective coloration. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Why
though would they have needed protective coloration? This brings me
to the third of the three factors cited earlier. More than four years
after Gorbachev had become general secretary, the Soviet Union was in
a state approximating Yeats' evocation of the Second Coming: things
were falling apart and the center was not holding. The rapid
expansion of heterodox protest movements and the unwillingness (or
failure) of the state to reign them in may well have been part of the
causal environment in which the miners' movement emerged. However,
it still was not clear how long this situation would last. Recent
events in Tbilisi no less than the sorry fate of worker protests
under Gorbachev's predecessors – including the massacre at
Novocherkassk in 1962 and the rough treatment received by the Donetsk
dissidents Vladimir Klebanov and Alexei Nikitin during the Brezhnev
era - suggested that state repression was not out of the question.
In short, what may have persuaded miners in the Donbas to join a
strike begun elsewhere, only to suspend it after a few days, was that
the state had not cracked down . . . but might if pushed too far. By
the same token, it is possible to argue that the greater
audaciousness of demands advanced during the second all-Union strike
in March-April 1991 as well as the strike's more obviously political
and protracted nature reflected a greater awareness on the part of
strike leaders (at least) of the state's progressive weakness of
resolve, authority, and command over resources.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">If
our understanding of the movement as pro-perestroika was too
simplistic, then our assessment of the strike's outcome (</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><u>viz</u></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">.,
"the Donbass miners have won a signal victory for perestroika")
seems hardly sustainable. What the strike accomplished was the
setting up of strike/workers' committees at the enterprise, city, and
regional levels. These organizations paralleled the pre-existing
trade union, municipal/soviet and party bodies, essentially usurping
their authority. Eventually, much of their personnel and energy were
transferred to the Independent Miners' Union (NPG) which held its
inaugural congress in October 1990 in Dontesk. The NPG was the main
organizational force behind the second all-Union miners' strike and
remained thereafter the prime institutional site of the miners'
movement. After the breakup of the Soviet Union, it subdivided into
separate Russian, Kazakh, and Ukrainian entities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
very existence of the strike committees and the NPG goes a long way
towards explaining how, if not why, the miners' movement survived
beyond the initial strike of 1989. Occupying
interstitial/intermediary space between officially-approved and
illegal bodies, they were analogous in this respect to the myriad
political movements thrown up by the reform process, some with a
nationalist orientation and others speaking in the name of the
environment and democracy. As fundamentally class-based
organizations free of (and largely hostile towards) Communist
influence, they also were illustrative of an extraordinary moment in
Soviet history. Despite its teleological implications, the best term
to describe this moment would be "transitional." While
labor and its representation were no longer under Communist control,
the rule of capital had yet to assert itself. What this meant was
that workers' real and symbolic power was unusually strong.
Persisting throughout the 1980s in Poland, such a situation was
considerably more brief in the case of the USSR and most other east
European countries. With the obvious and important exception of
demonstrably worsening material conditions, it was the best of
circumstances for workers and their collective representation.
Workers were heroes of their own and others' narratives, and the very
unusualness of this situation accounts to a large extent for (what in
retrospect clearly was) the exaggerated optimism exuded by the
movement . . . and shared by many commentators.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b>Who (or What) is
to Blame?</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">In
October 2000 at a conference commemorating the tenth anniversary of
the founding of the Independent Miners' Union, Iurii Boldyrev, one of
Donetsk's best-known activists, offered a provocative explanation for
the impetus of the miners' movement. "The strike arose in 1989,"
he asserted, "not by popular initiative, but by Gorbachev's
permission. It was planned and carried out by the KGB which had been
involved in a bitter internal struggle. One faction triumphed and
organized the strike." To substantiate his claim, he referred to
two KGB agents, dressed in civilian clothes, whom he saw on the night
of July 21-22 leading the crowd that "had begun to disperse as
the strike was winding down." Boldyrev, speaking to fellow
(former) activists, concluded that as "the Soviet system
collapsed, it gave birth to monsters. We and you were one of those
monsters. This system decided for us whom we would become."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
propensity to cast blame when things are perceived to have gone wrong
or expectations of improvement, emancipation, or deliverance have
been disappointed is as widespread as it is understandable. When
hope or "social authority" has been vested in others, the
urge to recast them as manipulative, deceitful, or otherwise "false"
is almost overwhelming. In recent years, as the plight of miners and
their industry in both Russia and Ukraine has worsened, many culprits
have been identified. Power-hungry politicians in Kiev, former
enterprise directors corrupted by their elevation to national office,
the World Bank, nationalists based in western Ukraine, Jews, former
miner-activists who used their experience in the movement as a
stepping stone to careers in politics and/or business, the miners
themselves who lacked the necessary "culture" or "maturity"
to know whom to support or what to do, and, of course, the communist
system that so ill-prepared them - the list is as long as it is
depressing to contemplate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Boldyrev's
interpretation of the movement in which he had played such a
prominent role might be seen in this light. The notion that Gorbachev
and a(n unnamed) faction of the KGB manipulated the strike of July
1989 seems fairly ludicrous. Implying that miners were incapable of
organizing themselves and exercising judgment about what they wanted
to do, it is in the tradition of casting the </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>narod</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
as naive and witless before "dark forces." Nevertheless,
it is a refreshingly de-romanticized view of the strike, and
implicitly raises the question of whether that movement spawned by
the strike could have sustained itself for more than two years
without the assistance of outside forces. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Boldyrev's
remarks were actually cited by a Moscow-based historian who notes the
near immunity from prosecution of strike leaders. Was this, he asks,
the consequence of their "exalted social authority" or "the
presence in the political leadership of the country of significant
forces who had an interest in the development of radical forms of
protest by the miners?" The suggestion that some sort of
alliance or at least compatibility of interests existed between
strike leaders and the forces of law and order might be more
compelling had the former's escape from prosecution been unusual. But
the anti-strike laws of 1989 and 1991 were far from unique in lacking
teeth. If the miners' movement did indeed have allies, let us look
elsewhere. </span>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">One
of the oddest things about the movement in Donetsk at least during
the period discussed here is that both the city's strike committee
and the NPG conducted their business from offices provided by the
regional production association, Donetskugol. What seems anomalous
in North American labor terms (imagine General Motors accommodating
the United Automobile Workers Union in its headquarters on Woodward
Avenue in Detroit) can be explained by the deep mutual dependency
between management and labor forged by their shared subordination to
authorities at the "center" of the administrative-command
system. Of course, the NPG represented a challenge to the authority
of the pre-existing Union of Workers in the Mining Industry and its
monopolistic control over the distribution of goods and services. But
from Donetsugol's standpoint, accommodating the insurgent NPG did not
necessitate breaching agreements with the old union, and the division
of labor between the two unions actually made strategic sense in
dealing with the center. For their part, miners acting through their
strike committees or councils of labor collectives (STKs) criticized
and even replaced individual managers and directors. But others who
evidently did a better job of prizing resources from the center to
distribute among miners and their families were praised and revered.
What Sarah Ashwin found to be the case in the Kuzbass mine she
studied, namely that miners considered the mine administration part
of the labor collective and </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>vice
versa</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
was no less evident in Donetsk.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">This,
then, was not a struggle of workers against bosses any more than it
was between labor and capital. From the perspective of the miners and
their movement the enemy in the largest sense was "the system"
that extracted from miners their labor and its fruits and returned to
them less than they deserved. In 1989, Boldyrev had referred to it
as "ministerial feudalism;" others simply called it
"communism." If, so it was believed, the system (or,
alternatively, "the center") did not take so much but
rather left more for the mines to sell on the market, the mines
wouldn't need as much from the state. Miners described this happy,
market-based alternative as the key to the "normal life"
they were seeking. They typically called it "capitalism."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">It
would be unfair to characterize this perspective as naive, not
because miners were so inexperienced in theorizing alternatives to
what they knew so well, but because so many other sectors of Soviet
society shared the same beliefs. Indeed, the view that the state had
to get out of the way of appropriating and redistributing resources,
dictating prices, and demanding sacrifices has a very familiar ring
and was by no means confined to Soviet citizens. What distinguished,
indeed animated, the miners' movement was a particularly fervent
belief in the two classically socialist claims to recompense -
entitlement through labor and need - even while it associated these
claims with capitalism.</span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">If
the miners' belief in the inherent value of their labor derived from
their erstwhile role as heroes of socialist construction, then their
identification of the market as the mechanism for realizing that
value signified the delegitimization of the Soviet state's
redistributive power. Calls for "free" markets/prices also
testify to the appeal of neo-liberal ideas in the context of an
ideological void. It will require ethnographic investigation to know
whether miners obtained their ideas about markets primarily from
proselytization by "democrats," the media's sudden
saturation with images of prosperity abroad, or simply their own
reversal of Soviet propaganda's shibboleths. It is important though
not to assume that miners were passive in receiving others' ideas or
that their leaders were dupes of others' agendas. </span>
</div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">As
I have noted elsewhere, the movement's demands on the state were
logically inconsistent: on the one hand, increasing subsidies, and on
the other, granting financial independence (</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>khozraschet</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">)
for the mines; on the one hand, access to markets to sell coal, on
the other, the exemption from the market of services and goods
historically provided by the mines. But we need not assume that the
inconsistency stemmed from the undue influence on the movement of
either mining directors or the liberal intelligentsia. The miners
themselves could have wanted subsidies </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>and</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
market access for their product because they were convinced they
deserved both. They also believed, not without reason, that in the
prevailing circumstances their negotiating power had never been
greater and might never be as great again.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">At
a meta-historical level, the causal environment for the articulation
of these demands was the breakdown of the re-distributional
functions of the centralized state - itself a product of the opening
that perestroika gave to alternative mechanisms. The demands
themselves and actions taken in support of them helped "shape
in turn the causal environment critical to [their] own success,"
or at least the course that the movement took. For nothing else can
quite explain why workers in other occupations were so hesitant and
for the most part ultimately unwilling to join the miners' movement
than that they regarded satisfaction of the miners' demands in
zero-sum terms. In this manner, cause and effect, structure and
agency operated in tandem, each creating the conditions for and
limitations on the other.</span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
politicization of the movement - that is, the articulation of overtly
political demands - seems in this light less the consequence of its
radicalization than the recognition of the dangers of isolation and
the need to generalize the basis for protest. But "articulation,"
"recognition" and other attributes of agency can take us -
or them - only so far. The collapse or overthrow of the "system,"
which appeared so unlikely in 1989, rapidly became conceivable as the
entire economy and the outlying republics spun out of the center's
control. The further incapacitation of the Soviet state and the
dramatic rise in Russia of an alternative source of political power
in the form of Boris Yeltsin and Democratic Russia became the
environment that "caused" the miners' movement to initiate
its second all-Union strike in 1991. That action in turn complicated
the state's ability to deal with other challenges. Gorbachev's
agreement to transfer jurisdictional authority over the mines to
respective union republics was thus far from an insignificant
concession. At least for the miners it symbolized as nothing else the
dismantling of "the system" which had reared them and which
they blamed for their plight. </span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-decoration: none;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b>What Time is It?</b></span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-decoration: none;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Writing
shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Michael Burawoy and
Pavel Krotov asked "what happens to a command economy when the
party disintegrates and the centre no longer commands?" Their
answer, based on their acquaintance with the production association
Vorkuta Ugol' and its thirteen constituent mines, was that certain
tendencies within state socialist economies become intensified. They
focus on three: preexisting supply monopolies are strengthened;
lateral exchanges in the form of bartering increase; and, due to
management's overriding interest in problems of supply and barter
rather than regulating work, and "the autonomous work
organization necessary for adapting to shortages," worker
control over production expands. Because the old relations of
production remained essentially in place and because the "driving
force behind the strategies of enterprises and conglomerates [a.k.a.
production associations - LS] is the </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>maximization
of profit through trade</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,"
Burawoy and Krotov characterized the transition through which the
Soviet Union was passing in its last years and which continued into
the post-Soviet era as "the rise of merchant capital." Just
as historically merchant capital tended to preserve rather than
dissolve pre-existing systems of production, so, they argue, "
in Russia the expansion of trade has conserved rather than dissolved
the Soviet enterprise."</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
notion that the Soviet enterprise might have survived the collapse of
the Soviet Union is probably less strange than that an important
feature of Europe's transition from feudalism to capitalism might
reappear in late twentieth-century Russia. Of course, their point was
"not to argue that Russia is returning to the past but to
problematize Russia's road to a radiant (capitalist) future."
That road was problematic in reality because the rule of capital did
not fill the vacuum created by the removal of central Soviet
ministerial control (Boldyrev's "ministerial feudalism").
As Burawoy noted several years later, "instead of begging the
party to organize material supplies, now enterprises begged the
central bank or local government for cheap credit." The main
"beggars" were enterprise directors who retained support of
the labor collective so long as they were effective in bartering
for/delivering the goods. Privatization was, in this sense, beside
the point. Nominal owners of their enterprises, workers in many cases
remained dependent on the strong boss (</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>khoziain</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>vozhd</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">)
and the stronger the better. It is in this sense that the Soviet
enterprise and the paternalistic relations between managers and
workers that were fostered in the Soviet era intensified in the early
post-Soviet years.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">This
is not the place to determine whether Burawoy and Krotov's historical
analogy works equally well for all sectors of the post-Soviet Russian
economy. It is possible that because the amount of capital needed for
productive investment and renovation was prohibitively high in the
case of coal and the future of the industry was so uncertain that
mining management was particularly prone to pursue subsidies and rely
on bartering. Whatever the case, the argument they make is no less
compelling when applied to newly independent Ukraine. There, arguably
even more so than in Russia, the absence of radical economic reform
left the old Soviet economic system intact and provided an enormous
incentive for workers and enterprise directors to cooperate in
extracting resources from the center.</span></div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">This
united front represented the most formidable challenge to the
Ukrainian government's exercise of the prerogatives of state power.
In the case of the coal industry, that front took on a regional
dimension. Both the Independent Miners' Union of Ukraine (NPHU) and
the Donetsk City Strike Committee joined with the production
association heads and mine directors to defend the industry and the
region in which it was dominant against the Kravchuk administration
in Kyiv. Such a regionalist stance inevitably caused problems for the
NPHU with its more nationalist L'viv-Volinsk branch located in the
western part of the country, but this internal division was more than
compensated by the support of other occupational groups in the
Donbas. </span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
demand for regional autonomy that emerged in the course of 1992-93
had a variety of impulses, among them linguistic and cultural. But
for the production associations and mining directors it was the
economic component - especially the right to contract directly with
Russian suppliers and customers and to import supplies duty-free -
that was of utmost importance. Such did merchant capital give "rise
to mercantilist politics, seeking protection, favorable terms of
trade, taxation and so on." In Russia, the "powerful
political lobbies [created] to uphold the system of subsidies and
credits" included the Civic Union and the Federation of
Independent Trade Unions of Russia (FNPR). In Viktor Chernomyrdin,
himself an oil and gas executive, the "directors' lobby"
had a friend in the prime minister's office. In Ukraine, the point
man was Efim Zvyagil'skii. </span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Zvyagil'skii
had served from 1979 as director of the Zasiad'ko mine, transforming
it into one of the region's most profitable enterprises and making
him something of a legendary figure in Donetsk. So successful was he
in taking advantage of opportunities presented by perestroika that
Zasiad'ko's workers remained on the job during the 1991 all-Union
strike rather than jeopardize what he had gained for them in
supplies, services, and amenities. In November 1992 he left the
mine's administration to become Donetsk's mayor. Ironically,
Zasiad'ko was the first mine to be shut down by a strike in June 1993
that soon engulfed the entire region. Zvyagil'skii, elevated
temporarily to the position of deputy prime minister, was
instrumental in bringing the strike to an end to the general (though
not universal) satisfaction of strike leaders and rank-and-file
miners. </span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Fallout
from the strike included the resignation of Kravchuk's prime
minister, Leonid Kuchma, and his temporary replacement by none other
than Zvyagil'skii. The referenda on Kravchuk's government demanded
by strike leaders did not take place but instead both parliamentary
(Verkhovna Rada) and presidential elections were scheduled for 1994.
Opposition candidates with their economic base in the heavy and
extractive industries and their geographical base in eastern Ukraine
made significant gains in the parliamentary elections in March; the
narrow defeat of Kravchuk by Kuchma in June also represented a
victory for these same interests. </span>
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Or
so it seemed. In fact, the capture of the state by the "wild
eastern" Donbas "clan" was only partial and temporary.
Zvyagil'skii, the archetypal nomenklatura capitalist, was charged
with corruption and fled the country for Israel in 1994. Soon after
the presidential election, Kuchma replaced Donetsk personnel with
those from his native Dnipropetrovsk region in central government
positions. The next two years were characterized by a complex
reshuffling among the Donetsk elite. New commercial ventures emerged,
structured around energy trading and the buying up of metalworks
companies that had failed to pay their energy bills. These maneuvers
were accompanied by fierce struggles that included a series of
spectacular contract killings.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">But
in addition to a shift of regional power away from the Donbas and
elite conflict within it, something else was happening. Within a few
years of having achieved extraordinary, even hegemonic power in the
Donbas sufficient to rock political authorities in Kyiv, the miners'
movement was fast fading into insignificance. This was mainly because
the industry it had so successfully defended was literally
crumbling. Between 1990 and 1995 as demand dwindled and the cost of
producing coal rose perilously close to import prices, output
declined from about 145 million to 65.6 million tons. Most of the
subsidies received from the state had gone into paying (back)wages
and maintaining services, so that there was little productive
investment. Even more than in the 1980s, working in the mines of the
post-independence Ukrainian Donbas comprised "a subsidized
system of 'outdoor relief' or job subsidies." It also had become
even more dangerous, with literally thousands of people killed on the
job.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">In
October 1994, President Kuchma launched his "western"
policy of price and trade liberalization, strict monetary control,
and accelerated privatization. He also brought in the World Bank to
assess the condition of and prospects for the coal-mining industry.
The World Bank's recommendations for closing "unviable"
mines, selectively investing in others, and transferring resources
out of the industry and even the area were reminiscent of the
Thatcherite solution to which British miners had been subjected a
decade earlier. The romance of coal clearly was over.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">The
slashing of subsidies to the mining industry, justified by the
government as an anti-inflationary measure, had the predictable
effects of mounting wage arrears and a new cycle of protests. Strikes
in February 1996 were massive, recalling those of July 1989 and 1993
but without bringing significant concessions. Protests of a more
extreme kind - including the blocking of rail and road traffic -
followed, provoking the arrest and prosecution of the leaders of the
Donetsk City Strike Committee. "From then on," writes Vlad
Mykhnenko, a scholar and native son, "wildcat strikes,
spontaneous hunger strikes and pickets became a daily occurrence in
the Donbas," accompanied more occasionally by "clashes with
police, collective suicide threats and several committed protest
suicides." The increasing desperation - and isolation - of the
miners' movement reflected the downward spiral of mine closures,
out-migration of workers, and increasing anomie among the remaining
population.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Kuchma's
1999 re-election gambits of granting "free economic zone"
status to Donetsk oblast' and establishing "priority development
territories" throughout the Donbas were quite successful in
garnering votes. But the main beneficiaries were a new class of
owners, less tied to the paternalistic practices of the old
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>nomenklatura</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
and more intricately connected to national sources of financing and
property management. Their new commercial ventures consisted of
vertically integrated, so-called financial industrial groups (FIGs)
for which "the coal industry [is] purely . . . a source of
cost-cutting opportunities for the more lucrative export-oriented
metalworking industry." It thus would appear that at least two
of the features identified by Burawoy and Krotov as characteristic of
the "merchant capital" phase of the post-Soviet Russian
economy - lateral (as opposed to vertical) exchanges, and the
maintenance of welfare functions to sustain a workforce left in
control of the production process - began to wither in Ukraine as the
twentieth century drew to a close.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">If
this is so, what is in store for the miners of the Donbas and their
movement? One rather pessimistic scenario is a replication of the
situation in which, according to David Kideckel, Romanian miners have
found themselves since 1989. In his view, rather than postsocialist,
the term that best characterizes the social system and values that
have come to dominate not only Romania but a good deal of
East-Central Europe is "neo-capitalism." This he defines as
the reworking "of basic capitalist principles in new, even more
inegalitarian ways than the Western model from which it derives. Like
neo-serfdom," he continues, in the so-called "long
sixteenth century," neo-capitalism involves the re-working of a
Western prototype so as to establish a dependent hinterland in
Central and Eastern Europe. As with neo-serfdom, under neo-capitalism
the pace and extent of class differentiation exceeds the Western
experience. When capitalism was first extended east, the numerically
dominant peasants were never granted the social benefits that came to
characterise Western capitalism and no strong middle class ever
emerged. Under neo-capitalism we again see how narrow elites have
been able to appropriate public resources and prevent their
transparent, equitable distribution. The consequences for workers are
grim. Their "jobs and wages decline both absolutely and relative
to the cost of living," and they become either "degraded
supplicants or . . . alienated antagonists." </span>
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Whether
it makes more sense to conceive of the miners of the Donbas and their
collective representation as confronted by forces analogous to
fourteenth-century western Europe or sixteenth-century eastern
Europe, clearly theirs has not been an easy lot since the collapse of
the Soviet Union. Of course, much the same can be said for the
overwhelming majority of other workers. What distinguished the
miners, however, was not extraordinary privation but rather their
sustaining of an "independent" movement determined to
create a "normal life" for themselves and their families.
Now increasingly demoralized and numbering no more than 400,000, they
probably no longer have what it takes to continue to do so.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Dobb,
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London 1946. </span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Dodonov,
Boris: Can Trade Unions Protect Ukrainian Miners' Rights? Radio Free
Europe/Radio</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Liberty,
Prague, Czech Republic RFE/RL (Un)Civil Societies, vol. 3, no. 36 (4
September 2002): 1-4.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Feuer,
Lewis S. ed.: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Karl
Marx and Friedrich Engels Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy,
</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Garden
City 1959.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Friedgut,
Theodore H. and Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Perestroika from Below: The
Soviet Miners' Strike and its Aftermath, in: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>New
Left Review</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
no. 181 (1990), S. 5-32.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Friedgut,
Theodore H. and Lewis H. Siegelbaum: The Soviet Miners' Strike, July
1989: Perestroika from Below in: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
No. 804 (1990). </span>
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Gordon,
L. A., E. V. Klopov, and I. S. Kozhukhovskii, eds.: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Krutoi
plast: Shakhterskaia zhizn' na fone restruktirizatsii otrasli i
obshcherossiiskikh peremen</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Moscow1999.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Grant,
Bruce: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>In
the Soviet House of Culture: A Century of Perestroikas</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Princeton 1995. Human Rights in Ukraine, in: Kharkiv Group for Human
Rights Protection accessed 15 July 2004.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Humphrey,
Caroline: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Unmaking of Soviet Life: Everyday Economies after Socialism</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Ithaca 2002.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">International
Energy Agency: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Energy
Sector of Ukraine. 1996 Survey, </i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
Paris 1996.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Kideckel,
David: The Unmaking of an East-Central European Working Class, in C.
M. Hann, ed., </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Postsocialism:
Ideals, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia </i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">London
2002, S. 114-132.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Klose,
Kevin: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Russia
and the Russians: Inside the Closed Society</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
New York 1984.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Kuzio
T: Kravchuk to Kuchma: The Ukrainian Presidential Elections of 1994,
in: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Journal
of Communist Studies and Transition Politics</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
12 (1996), S. 117-144.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Levchik,
D. A. Zabastovochnoe dvizhenie shakhterov 1988-1991 gg.,
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Sotsiologicheskie
issledovaniia</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
no. 10 (2003), S. 111-119.</span></div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Lopatin,
L. N. ed.: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Rabochee
dvizhenie Kuzbassa, sbornik dokumentov i materialov, aprel' 1989 -
mart 1992</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Kemerovo 1993.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Maier,
Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives
for the Modern Era, in: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>American
Historical Review</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
105 (2000), S. 807-831.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Maier,
Charles S.: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Dissolution:
The Crisis of Communism and the End of East Germany</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Princeton 1997.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Mykhnenko,
Vlad: From Exit to Take-Over: The Evolution of the Donbas as an
Intentional Community, draft paper for Workshop No. 20, European
Consortium for Political Research Joint Sessions of Workshops, 13-18
April 2004 Uppsala, Sweden, at
http://www.essex.ac.uk/espr/events/jointsessions/paperarchive/uppsala/ws20/Mykhnenko.pdf.
</span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Mykhnenko,
Vlad: State, Society and Protest under Post-communism: Ukrainian
Miners and Their Defeat, paper for the Political Studies Association
- UIC 50</span><sup><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">th</span></span></sup><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
Annual Conference, 10-13 April 2000, London.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Reshetilova,
T. B. </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>et
al</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">.:
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Ugol'naia
promyshlennost' v razvitii proizvoditel'nykh sil Ukrainy,</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
Moscow, 1997. </span>
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H.: The Condition of Labor in Post-Soviet Russia: A Ten-Year
Retrospective, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Social
Science History Journal</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
28 (2004): 637-665.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H.: Freedom of Prices and the Price of Freedom: The Miners'
Dilemmas in the Soviet Union and Its Successor States, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
13 (1997), S. 1-27.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H.: Labor Pains in the Soviet Union, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Nation</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
27 May 1991, S. 693-694.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H.: 'We Haven't Seen </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Perestroika</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">':
Behind the Soviet Miners' Strike, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Nation</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
23 October 1989, S. 451-456.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis and Daniel Walkowitz: The A.F.L.-C.I.O. Goes to Ukraine, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Nation</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
2 November 1992, S. 502-506.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H. and Daniel J. Walkowitz: 'We'll Remain in This Cesspool for
a Long Time': The Miners of Donetsk Speak Out, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Oral
History Review</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
20 (1992), S. 67-86.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Siegelbaum,
Lewis H. and Daniel Walkowitz: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Workers
of the Donbass Speak: Survival and Identity in the New Ukraine,
1989-1992</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">
Albany 1995.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Simon,
Rick: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Labour
and Political Transformation in Russia and Ukraine</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
Aldershot 2000.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Suicides
in Donbas attributed to economic hardships, RFE/RL Poland, Belarus
and Ukraine Report, vol. 67, no. 26 (1999), p. 1.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Sweezy,
Paul </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>et
al</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">:
</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>The
Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism</i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
London 1978.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Walkowitz,
Daniel: 'Normal Life': The Crisis of Identity Among Donetsk's Miners,
in Siegelbaum and Walkowitz, </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><u>Workers
of the Donbass Speak</u></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">,
S.159-184.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Wallis,
Emma: </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Industrial
Relations in the Privatised Coal Industry: Continuity, Change, and
Contradictions, </i></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Aldershot
2000.</span></div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;">Zimmer,
Kerstin: The Old Industrial Region Paradigm Re-visited: Donetsk
Oblast' (Ukraine) throughout the 1990s, Regional Studies Association
Conference "Reinventing Regions in a Global Economy," Pisa,
Italy, 12-15 April, 2003, at events/pisa03/zimmer.pdf. </span>
</div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-31440983598188309772011-11-28T10:56:00.000-08:002012-05-08T11:03:16.962-07:00«Зарплаты у нас низкие и я не боюсь даже этого говорить»<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="color: black;">Розповідь
</span><span lang="uk-UA">пенсіонерки з тридцятилітнім
стажем фармацевта, яка працює в одній
з аптек Києва</span><span style="color: black;">, записана
студенткою соціології НаУКМА </span><span style="color: black;"><span lang="uk-UA">Оленою
Цибанков</span></span><span style="color: black;">ою. Аудіозапис
і транскрипт доступні для використання
в наукових цілях за умов збереження
конфіденційності і посилання на проект
“Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.</span></div>
<span style="color: black;"><a name='more'></a></span><br />
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: 0.49in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" lang="uk-UA" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i>* * * </i>
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Рабочий день
начинается с открытия аптеки согласно
режиму работы, включается компьютерная
система для работы с покупателями. Я
как провизор; по профессии я первостольник,
это работа с покупателями, с больными
людьми, со всеми, кто обращается к нам
в аптеку с разными просьбами: кто-то за
консультацией, кто-то по рецепту, кто-то
за советом, разные предложения в течении
смены; люди больше доверяют нам, чем
кому-либо и у нас получают разную
информацию. Наша задача – дать эту
информацию грамотно, быстро, точно,
чтобы больной ушел от нас удовлетворенным,
получил все, что хотел узнать о назначении,
применении препаратов при тех или иных
заболеваниях.
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Его беспокоит
печень, он не хочет идти в поликлинику
и сидеть там весь день, он пришел сюда
и спрашивает, у него такие-то симптомы,
вот это его беспокоит, что бы вы могли
предложить. Я как специалист должна
быстро сориентироваться и предложить
то, что допустимо без рецепта. Есть так
называемый безрецептурный отпуск. Но,
учитывая возраст больного, мы должны
предложить соответствующую дозировку
препарата того или иного, сказать, как
применять, какие могут быть последствия,
осложнения, какие у него противопоказания.
Мы должны не навредить больному, а помочь
– эта наша основная задача. Не лишь бы
ради выручки, торговли – это у нас
категорически не должно быть, а именно
помочь. И многие потом приходят и говорят
спасибо. Потому что моя профессия –
провизор, высшее образование. Наш
университет готовил нас широкого
профиля. Мы называемся провизоры-фармакологи,
в переводе – врач-фармацевт.</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Аптека перешла
на такой режим работы, аптека-магазин,
но нас сравнивать с торговыми работниками
никак нельзя. А раньше аптека занималась
своими функциональными обязанностями
напрямую: врач выписывал рецепт и,
согласно рецепту, индивидуально для
каждого готовилось лекарство, индивидуально
подбирались дозировки. Теперь все
унифицировалось, то есть начали все
делать на заводах и фабриках, но они
далеко не отвечают тем прописям
фармацевтическим, которые были раньше,
когда мы их готовили. И так вот появились
эти магазины аптечные, которые называются
аптеками, но не отвечают этому названию.
А мы готовили буквально все. Было по
два-три ассистента. И я против того, что
аптеки стали сейчас подменяться вот
этими готовыми химическими препаратами,
потому что химия, она несвойственна.
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Работаем мы...
мы стоя работаем, все восемь часов мы
стоя. Всего это недостаток большой для
людей, для специалистов, которые
обслуживают. целый день говорим мы,
потому что если приходят молодые кадры
и им легче всего сказать “нет, не знаю”,
повернулась и пошла, то мы, люди более
старшего поколения, мы не можем так
относиться. Потому что мы шли учиться
по призванию, и мы должны любить людей,
дарить им милосердие, доброту, свои
знания и в первую очередь оказать им
настоящую помощь, чтоб он ушел оттуда
довольный. Поэтому мы говорим целый
день, иногда я прихожу, и у меня даже
голоса нет, потому что у больных, в связи
с тем, что они сложные пошли, эти больные,
у них не одна болезнь. Комплекс лечения
надо, комплекс лекарств надо дать
больному, чтоб он не снял на одну минуту
давление... больного надо лечить, чего
у нас не достигается, не делается.</div>
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Помимо того,
работать стало сложнее в каком плане:
мы работаем с компьютером, у нас время
уходит на компьютер, на эту кассу. Мы -
фармацевты, мы не должны заниматься
этим. Должен быть кассир один, как было
раньше. Поэтому мы загружены, загружены.
Наш мозг не отдыхает в течении всего
дня. Притом, мы должны быть очень
выдержанные, спокойные, внимательные
к больному.
</div>
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</div>
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Следующее, что
мешает нам работать – это находящийся
рядом телефон. Он не умолкает: люди,
которые не хотят, не могут прийти в
аптеку, они звонят по телефону. И<span lang="uk-UA">,</span>
как правило, не просто спрашивают: есть
ли у вас, предположим, клофелин. Да, есть
– и положить трубку. Нет, они спрашивают,
а что еще вместо клофелина лучше, а что,
как его лучше принимать, до еды или после
еды, а сколько его принимать. То есть
получается, все хотят по телефону
получить полную информацию вместо
приема у врача, и мы должны все это
рассказать. Это все вот один человек,
вот я стою, и я вот вся во внимании должна
быть. Иногда я больного начинаю в
компьютер набирать – там же вот список
целый. Вот. А тут звонит, звонит телефон.
Я бросаю больного, начинаю отвечать, а
там, как правило, целый список, целый
список вопросов, и когда говоришь:
«Подождите или перезвоните позже, я
больного обслуживаю». – «Подождет!»
Вот он позвонил – все бросай и все ему
отвечай. Только положи я телефон, начинаю
снова обслуживать, опять звонок, и у нас
целый день – мы как справочная.</div>
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Сейчас люди или
очень больные, или ленивые. Они не хотят
лишний раз идти в аптеку. Им легче
позвонить. Но он не один. Их десятки,
таких людей, которые звонят. И он считает,
что он один такой звонит. Только положишь
трубку, опять звонит, опять. Я ж говорю,
даже справочная так не работает, как
мы.</div>
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</div>
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График работы,
именно вот в государственной, он удобный.
Чем? Потому что здесь посменная работа.
Так, как положено по трудовому
законодательству. Человек должен
отработать определенное количество
часов на неделю и получать выходные.
Напротив как в коммерческой, там нужно
работать по двенадцать-тринадцать
часов. Это недопустимо. Человек полную
отдачу может дать только в первую
половину дня. Потом силы его, физические,
умственные, они иссякают как бы, он уже
не с такой энергией работает. Ему надо
дать отдых, а у нас даже перерыва нет. Я
за смену иногда не могу чаю чашку даже
выпить. Люди и люди. Если даже я его и
заварю вот, он так и стоит, остынет. Как
только сяду, люди, люди. Им бы быстрее
отпустить, они не понимают, обедал ты,
не обедал.
</div>
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Там, где коллективы
больше, они могут друг друга подменить.
Где кадров недостаточно, там это проблема.
Ты стоишь целую смену и обслуживаешь,
а для себя не остается времени. В то
время как за границей сейчас вот такое
ввели, я сама слышала, значит, в течении
рабочей смены имеются комнаты отдыха,
психологической разгрузки. Он там
поработал, допустим, двенадцать часов,
он идет в эту комнату, слышит там легкую
музыку, может чашку чая или кофе выпить,
бутербродик, отдохнуть расслабиться,
и он возвращается через сорок минут уже
полный сил, энергии, и может с такой же
отдачей работать дальше. У нас этого
нет. Нет. У нас перерыва даже нет. И порой
даже подменить.
</div>
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</div>
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Притом, мало
того, что вот эта компьютеризация, она,
с одной стороны, это быстрый учет, но
это нагрузка опять на провизора. Приходит
товар, мы должны его и проверить в эту
ж смену. Он не будет стоять, потому что
мы больным уже назначили, что буде товар,
ваше лекарство тогда-то должно поступить.
Он тут же в этот день приходит, когда
ему удобно и требует: «Вы сказали, товар».
Его проверять-то некому. Начинаем в этих
ящиках искать, отпускать. То есть, у нас
даже товар некому проверять. Вот какая
нагрузка обширная, все это ложится на
фармацевтов в одну смену. Мы должны
успеть и принять товар, и отпустить, и
деньги посчитать, и информацию,
консультацию дать. И вот получается,
что мы целый день. В результате, мы имеем
очень низкую зарплату при такой нагрузке.
</div>
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</div>
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Наша работа
очень ответственная, она уникальная
профессия. Почему? Потому что мы идем
как фармацевт, как фармаколог и как
химик. Мы можем как готовить лекарства,
так и делать полный качественный и
количественный анализ этих лекарственных
форм. А введение в работу компьютерных
касс и попутно вот это фармацевтическое
обслуживание населения, и консультация
в течение всего семичасового рабочего
дня утомляет нас, фармацевтов. И есть
пожелание, чтобы наш рабочий день
прировняли к врачебному, то есть сделали
тоже шестичасовым. Вот и все. Как у
врачей. Вот это я хотела. Потому что у
нас не легче труд, чем у врачей, а может
быть, даже сложнее. Нам нельзя ни
отвлекаться, если не знаем, значит, лучше
ничего не говорить и послать больного
к врачу так, чтоб больной не пострадал.</div>
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В таких аптечных
учреждениях моральный климат должен
быть на высшем уровне. Взаимопонимание,
совместимость, взаимозаменяемость –
это обязательно. Если за границей она
стоит только первостольником, она не
отвлекается никуда. У нас, как правило,
женские коллективы - дети болеют,
декретные. И вот человек ушел с этой
должности. А кто? Нам не дают в замен
никого. То есть, ты должен подменить
человека. Взаимозаменяемость. Да. Значит,
надо правильно понимать обстановку,
идти на встречу, уважать друг друга, и
ни в коем случае никаких напряжений,
никаких... недовольств не должно быть,
потому что мы, мы сами люди милосердные,
значит, у нас и коллектив должен быть
такой же. Попадаются люди, но они долго
не уживаются в таких коллективах. Они
просто уходят, потому что им тяжело
работать. В основном коллективы хорошие,
да.</div>
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</div>
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К нам молодежь
не идет работать, но при таких условиях
работы, режиме работы, при полном
укомплектованном штате можно работать,
можно. Я профессию свою люблю, и люблю
людей, и стараюсь им всесторонне помочь,
потому что вдвойне понимаю, как сейчас
этим людям, которые восстанавливали
наше государство разрушенное после
войны, и теперь придя к пенсии, в таком
возрасте, как им тяжело: и морально, и
физически, и материально, всесторонне.
Они только в аптеке могут высказаться.
Там некогда, и негде, врач не будет
слушать. А тут она все расскажет, и
заплачет, попросит помощи, и поблагодарит.
Вот мы, как говорится, окончательный
пункт, где человек может успокоиться.
Даже если нет, мы стараемся как-то
сказать, что нет, мы закажем, подойдите
через два дня, мы привезем, вы получите
свое лекарство. То есть, проявляем такое
внимание, чтобы хотя бы от нас человек
ушел спокойный; ни в коем случае его не
раздражать, не убивать его до конца.</div>
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И должны люди
быть кристально чистыми, честными.
Потому что тысячи препаратов, сотни,
тысячи рублей, материальных ценностей
на наших плечах. И если представить, что
кто-то будет брать, воровать, к чему мы
придем? Этого не должно быть. Мы должны
быть очень честными людьми. Очень
честными. Как бы не хотелось взять, ты
не должен этого делать. Вот у меня где-то
книжечка есть, я сейчас забыла, как она
называется. Очень хорошо там написано,
каким должен быть фармацевт, целый
перечень, и каким должен быть руководитель.
Как он должен и любить свой коллектив,
и все делать для своего коллектива, и
как он должен выслушать свой коллектив,
и не показать свою начальственность, и
если надо, даже подменить простого
рядового. Он должен быть руководителем
на своем месте. Только при такой обстановке
будет коллектив слаженный, будет
трудоспособный и будет выполнять задачи
поставленные. Если этого нет – люди
разбегаются, люди недовольны, ну и ряд
причин...</div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Но мне повезло
в жизни. Я проработала много лет, и какая
бы не была ревизия, я даже сама удивлялась,
у нас всегда были хорошие результаты.
А вот на данный момент, мы остались
вдвоем в аптеке, очень тяжело. И я
полмесяца без выходных работаю. Но я
понимаю, что она нигде его не возьмет.
В управления просили – нам никого не
дали. Кадров нет. Они ищут, где легче.
Вот сейчас настоящая молодежь, они ищут,
где легче, а побольше получать. А у нас
тяжелее и поменьше получаем. Но вот
единственное, чего мы добились, что у
нас воскресенье убрали. Пока на время
болезни сотрудника.
</div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Очень трудно
эти вопросы решаются. Вот мне, допустим,
просили на полставки, и то не разрешили.
Все экономят. Потому что на все нужны
деньги, а наше государство сейчас
переживает кризис, очень бедное. И в
результате, население расслоилось на
бедных и богатых. Кто-то имеет миллионы,
миллиарды, и получает огромные зарплаты
и всякие льготы, а кто-то ничего. Хотя,
может быть, работал гораздо лучше и
больше лет, но он ничего не имеет. Потому
что, я хочу сказать, что наши профсоюзы
в этом плане не очень успешно работают
на защите своих членов. А мы должны быть
на первом плане. Правила есть. Там все
продумано, там давно все установлено и
нет каких-то невыносимых, ненужных. Все
там правильно, просто ввиду таких вот
обстоятельств всяких, непредвиденных
или технических, профессиональных. Вот
нет людей. Какие ж там правила? Идешь на
работу и работаешь. И по две смены, и
выходные. Вот тебе и правила.</div>
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Если вот взять
коммерческие аптеки, там провизор или
фармацевт, он уже сидит. Но сидеть много
не приходится. Почему? Потому что тысячи
препаратов, и они где-то разложены
согласно своих правил, термических
условий: где-то в холодильнике должен
храниться препарат, какой-то в подвале,
какой-то здесь при определенной
температуре, температурный режим; для
каждого препарата есть температурный
режим, и он должен храниться согласно
этого температурного режима. Поэтому,
приходится бегать. Ага. Вот инсулином
снабжаем людей, которые больны диабетом.
Инсулин получаем. Это большая группа.
Они хранятся в холодильнике, холодильник
не перед тобой стоит, он совсем в другой
комнате. И вот ты бегаешь, как белка в
колесе. Только отпустил вот так вот,
побежал в другую комнату, через одну-две
приходит другой с кучей рецептов. Там
три-четыре. Ему там разные инсулины
навыписуют. Или там берет за себя, за
кого-то. Ты опять пошел к этому холодильнику.
Только принес, этого человека отпустил,
опять за этим инсулином.
</div>
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</div>
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То есть мы не
сидим и не стоим даже, мы просто бегаем
целый день, потому что надо найти этот
данный препарат. А он лежит в разных
ящичках, разных шкафах. А это все движение.
Мы все время бегаем. Поэтому вот когда
я поработала вот в этой коммерческой...
Я почему ушла, потому что я страшно
уставала. Не должен фармацевт при такой
нагрузке столько работать. Ему должен
быть отпуск обязательно двадцать четыре
дня, и обязательно от профсоюза какая-то
путевка для отдыха, для восстановления
сил, хотя бы в дом отдыха, профилакторий.
Мы сейчас не можем взять, потому что они
дорогие. Это тоже большой недостаток –
люди не оздоравливаются из-за стоимости.</div>
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</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Отпуск есть, но
в связи с тем, что не хватает людей, мы
его используем в два приема. Половину
отгулял, а половину я вот только за
прошлый год... в связи с переездом на
квартиру я его использовала. То есть
нельзя за один раз взять весь отпуск.
Сейчас очень много не хватает
специалистов-фармацевтов, по последним
данным. Я сейчас забыла число, но на
совещании говорили. Выпускается много
фармацевтов, а их нет, в аптеки не идут.
Зарплаты низкие (я не боюсь даже этого
говорить), условия труда тяжелые, знания
нужны, которых нет у неопытного работника.
А это тяжело, когда тебя спрашивают, а
ты стоишь и не заешь, что ответить. А у
человека уже возникает недоверие,
который пришел покупать. Почему же она
ничего не знает? Не знает, где его взять,
что это за препарат. А где же она набралась
практики? Она не набралась практики.
</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Вот молодые
кадры не идут, они где-то приспосабливаются,
представителями идут: там платят
побольше, и думать не надо ни о чем.
Пришла, о препаратах рассказала, которые
ей бизнесмен привез из-за границы, и
все, пошла дальше. Обошла несколько
аптек – вот и вся ее работа. Я хочу
сказать, вот эт<span lang="en-US">o</span>
несправедливость. Взять вот наш труд и
вот этих представителей этих компаний,
которые занимаются просто завозом
товара из-за рубежа...</div>
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<br />
</div>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
В общем, я работой
современных аптек не довольна, не
нравятся мне они, вот и все. Магазины
это аптечные, а не аптеки. Слово аптека
умерло вообще, потому что аптека – это
там, где готовили лекарства, теперь
этого нет...</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br />
</div>
</span></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-75253704979885726292011-11-23T02:47:00.000-08:002011-11-24T05:18:43.070-08:00ТРУДОВА ВИСТАВКА. Паралельна програма.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: times new roman;"><b><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">24 листопада 2011, четвер, 17.00</span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Літературні читання та дискусія «Інша робота vol. 2»</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Презентація «Відео-архів Андрія Полякова» (відео, 100 хв., 2011)</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: times new roman;"><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"> </span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><b><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">25 лиcтопада 2011, п’ятниця, 17:00</span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Презентація відео-робіт: Андрій Мовчан «Дешифровка» (відео, 3 хв., 2011), Віталій Атанасов, Анастасія Рябчук. «Херсонський машинобудівний завод» (відео, 30 хв., 2011)</span></span><br />
<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: times new roman;"><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">ТРУДОВА ВИСТАВКА. </span><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Паралельна програма </span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: times new roman;"><b><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">24 листопада 2011, четвер, 17.00</span></span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Літературні читання та дискусія «Інша робота vol. 2»</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Учасники: Ярослав Гадзінський, Сяргей Прилуцкі, Катерина Бабкіна, Юлія Стахівська, Олег Коцарев, Василь Лозинський (модератор).</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Автори діляться своїм досвідом роботи як у гуманітарній і мистецькій сфері, так і в інших, та читають художні тексти. Визначити межу між творчістю та роботою складніше, ніж у випадках фізичної, найманої або виробничої праці. З огляду на це важливо, як літературний твір виявляє суспільні проблеми або перформативно їх втілює. Після виступів відбудеться дискусія на тему, як покращити професійні та економічні умови культурної сфери і як вони співвідносяться з творчістю.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Презентація «Відео-архів Андрія Полякова» (відео, 100 хв., 2011)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JgoOtvEN3XI</span><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"> </span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Андрій Поляков зібрав на роботі борт-супроводжуючого у літаках невеликої авіафірми чималий відео-архів. Вибрані моменти – відео-дайджест - найкращі уривки з того, що можна побачити у небі і що не помітиш одразу без досвіду тривалого повітроплавання.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><b><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">25 лиcтопада 2011, п’ятниця, 17:00</span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Презентація відео-робітАндрій Мовчан «Дешифровка» (відео, 3 хв., 2011)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Робота журналіста покрита нездоровим ореолом привілейованої справи. Тим часом за кадром лишається весь процес виробництва інформації. Чи є принципова різниця між фабрикою новин і рештою фабрик? Зрештою, хто такий журналіст – робітник чи щось непомірно більше? Адже, виявляється, існує суттєва різниця між професійною міфологією та працею.Після перегляду відбудеться дискусія за участі Андрія Яницького, активіста Київської незалежної медіа-профспілки.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Віталій Атанасов, Анастасія Рябчук. «Херсонський машинобудівний завод» (відео, 30 хв., 2011)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Відео побудоване на документальних матеріалах та інтерв’ю з робітниками, які брали участь у протестах 2009 року в Херсоні. Робітники розмірковують про те, чому розпочалися протести і як вони відбувалися, про солідарність робітників інших підприємств, про те, чому протести завершилися поразкою і яке майбутнє у робітничого руху в Україні.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">«Трудова виставка» працюватиме з 17 листопада до 2 грудня 2011 щобудня з 10:00 до 18:00 за адресою: Центр візуальної культури НаУКМА, Київ, вул. Сковороди, 2, Староакадемічний корпус, 1-й поверх.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">За підтримки: Transit.at http://www.tranzit.org/, ERSTE Stiftung, Центру візуальної культури НаУКМА http://vcrc.ukma.kiev.ua/, Фундації ЦСМ http://cca.kiev.ua/, MediaLab Інформаційні партнери: Springerin http://www.springerin.at/, Labourarchive http://laborarchive.blogspot.com/, Проstory http://www.prostory.net.ua/ http://hudrada.tumblr.com/</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">LABOUR SHOW. Parallel program </span></span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><b><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">November, 24, 2011, Thursday, 17.00</span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Literature reading and discussion “Another work vol. 2”</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Participants: Yaroslav Gadzinskyi, Syargey Prylutski, Kateryna Babkina, Julia Stakhivska, Oleh Kocarev, Vasyl Lozynskyi (moderator).</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">The authors share their work experience in the humanitarian, artistic and other fields, and do some recitation. It is harder to define the line between creation and work than to differentiate manual, hired or industrial labour. Taken this into account, it is important how a piece of literature reveals social problems or how it embodies them in a performative way. After the performances there will be a discussion on how to enhance professional and economic conditions in the sphere of culture and how it correlates with creation.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Presentation of the “Video-archive of Andriy Polyakov” (video, 100 min., 2011) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JgoOtvEN3XI</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Andriy Polyakov collected a big video-archive while working as a flight attendant in a small air company. The selected moments, the video-digest, are the best fragments of what one can see in air and what one wouldn't notice without having a long-term aeronautics experience.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><b><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">November, 25, 2011, Friday, 17.00</span></b><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Presentation of videos</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Andriy Movchan “Decoding” (video, 3 min., 2011)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">A journalist's job has around itself an unsound halo of privileged business. Meanwhile the whole process of the production of information stays behind the scenes. Is there a fundamental difference between the news factory and the rest of factories? After all, is the journalist a worker, or is he something immeasurably more? As it turns out that there is a vital difference between professional mythology and labour. After the screening a discussion will be held with the participation of Andriy Yanitsky, Kyiv Independent Media Trade Union activist.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Vitaliy Atanasov, Anastasia Ryabchuk. “Kherson machine-building plant” (video 30 min, 2011)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">The video consists of documentary materials and interviews with workers, who took part in the 2009 Kherson protests. The workers reflect on why the protests have begun and how it has taken place, and also on the solidarity of workers from other enterprises, on why the protests had failed and on the future of labour movement in Ukraine.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">LABOUR SHOW will run from November, 17 to December, 2, 2011 on weekdays from 10:00 to 18:00 at the following address: Visual Culture Research Center, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Old Academic Building, ground floor, 2 Skovorody St., Kyiv (metro Kontraktova Ploshcha).</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Supported by: Transit.at http://www.tranzit.org/, ERSTE Stiftung, Visual Culture Research Center at NaUKMA http://vcrc.ukma.kiev.ua/, Foundation CCA http://cca.kiev.ua/, MediaLab Media partners: Springerin http://www.springerin.at/, Labourarchive http://laborarchive.blogspot.com/, Prоstory http://www.prostory.net.ua/ http://hudrada.tumblr.com/</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /></span><span style="font-family: times new roman;"></span><br />
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</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-52408203957092079272011-11-10T11:53:00.000-08:002011-11-29T13:39:35.545-08:00"Ты – дешевая рабочая сила, скажи спасибо, что тебе заплатили. Я сказала спасибо и ушла."<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Розповідь студентки, що підпрацьовувала вчителькою англійської мови у приватному дитячому садку, записана студенткою соціології НаУКМА Катериною Слюньковою. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Я работала в частном детском саду учителем английского языка. Понятное дело, что это все не официально. Я работала два раза в неделю, у меня было две группы: одна – детки год и сем месяцев до трех лет, другая – почти с четырех и до шести лет. Работа была интересная, классная, но очень утомительная. Потому что это был частный детский сад, это дети богатых родителей, очень часто очень балованные дети. Своего я бы там взяла и уже наказала, а тут ты не можешь, потому что прекрасно понимаешь, что это ответственность, что ты обязан, что тебе платят деньги. И скажи спасибо что тебя взяли.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">В принципе, это был такой частный сад, это было в огромной четырехкомнатной квартире: на кухне – кухня и мини-столовая, потом комната учебно-спальная… Я не помню всех деталей, я работала в учебно-спальной: кровати застилались, задвигались и там был кабинет и доска. То есть все удобства были, всякие штуки разные: игровые материалы, учебные, но у меня не было программы, мне нужно было логически продумывать как их учить. И меня выматывало не столько занятия, меня выматывала подготовка. То есть мне нужно было что-то такое очень-очень креативное, чтоб детям понравилось. Потому что приходить к детям с фигней какой-то — это дурацкая затея. Они сразу чувствуют: либо тебе с ними интересно, либо нет. И получалось так, что подготовка к одному занятию забирала два часа. Кроме материалов обучательно-игровых я придумывала ещё всякие аудиозаписи, нарезки звука, могла принести им часть мультика — это лучше запоминается. Но это было очень много работы за те деньги, которые платились.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">И это было сложно потому, что директриса требовала: вот они должны знать, тема такая-то сейчас в украинском и русском языках, значит они должны знать такое по-английски. Окей, но это сложно. Детям нельзя столько давать. Сложно это объяснить, потому что другой иностранный язык, тем более в маленьком возрасте. У них был ещё китайский, была девочка, которая учила их танцам, риторика, то есть апарат речевой развивать, была художница. И все было так завязано на директрисе, она с мужем всем управляли. То есть это квартира, там нет даже кабинета…</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">И просто, я на самом деле сглупила: я пыталась сначала объяснить, что извините, надо немножко по-другому. Я знаю, что китаянка просто со всем соглашалась, а потом на уроках делала свое. Но для меня это был не вариант, по той причине, что директриса могла зайти, посмотреть и в итоге сказать, что Лена, вы знаете, это не то, что нам нужно. Поэтому мне приходилось подстраиваться. Особых конфликтов не было никогда с ней: она делала вид, что она дает рекомендации, она была весьма дипломатична, мне никогда не задерживали зарплату. Но неофициальный тип трудоустройства, понятное дело… У меня даже справку не попросили о туберкулезе, что у меня его нет: меня это вообще убило, меня берут работать с детьми и никто не спрашивает, а вообще, кто я такая.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Меня привели по знакомству: подруга моего очень хорошого друга просто предложила это, потому что она уходила. И на самом деле условия были хорошие. Ее так хвалили, эту девочку которая вместе в ними до меня занималась, а я пришла и посмотрела, что дети больше кивают, чем понимают. Я делала все немного по другим методам и дети начали говорить и это было здорово. Но просто... это наверне не то, что хотела преподавательница. Она хотела, чтоб они тупо знали набор фраз, набор слов – все. Я пыталась работать с ассоциациями, потому что я социолог и мне как бы проще.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Я исходила из того, что умеешь уговорить ребенка – умеешь уговорить любого клиента. Так и получается, потому что с детьми сложно договориться. Если им что-то не нравиться, то очень редко кого из таких состоятельных семей можно, грубо говоря, купить. То есть нужно заинтересовать, надо придумать что-то. И это возможность постоянно развивать себя как такую личность, которая постоянно хочет что-то придумать, чего еще не было, что будет им интересно, это меня очень радовало. Еще когда ты приходишь, они сразу все выбегают в переднюю: «Хелен, привет!», - это все очень здорово потому, что ты видиш, что твоя работа уважается и ценится.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">С другой стороны, емоциональний аспект: я не видела такого огромного уважения со стороны директора и её мужа. По сути, они там всем заправляют. Еще какая-то женщина там куховарила, я не знаю родственица – не родственица. Если директриса ещё пыталась, была дипломатичной, то её муж, он: « Шо вам там надо распечатать на сегодня?». Ну не очень круто. Меня это задевало, что во мне видять такую девочку-студентку, которой просто нужны деньги и она зарабатывает. А я из нормальной семьи, где меня родители не заставляли никула идти этим заниматься, но я хотела постараться заработать тем, что я знаю. И получилось так, что это недооценили, а я старалась и мне казалось, что детям это нравилось.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">У меня был день рождения и мне даже конфет не подарили. То есть это как-то жлобски, они ведь видели: молодая девченка, встает в шесть утра чтоб приехать к их деткам. И относительно материальной стороны, я считаю, мне платили просто мало. Не за то, как я проводила урок, а за то, как я к этому готовилась. То есть я затрачивала больше усилий, чем они пытались мне заплатить. Им нужна была девочка для галочки. Да, им нужен был результат, но им не важен был професиональный уровень. То есть я подошла к этому слишком с ентузиазмом.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Условия были таковы, почему я ушла оттуда... да, в основном материальный аспект. Хотя нет, первый все таки это территориальный. Они жили на Позняках, причем, не возле метро, ещё нужно было проехаться чуть-чуть. А я учусь в центре и мне было очень тяжело туда-сюда и потом ещё обратно на другие занятия. То есть оно того не стоило. Я живу тоже на левом берегу, но когда я уходила от них в шесть часов, это наверне был самый пик и транспорт был забит, я могла полтора часа добираться домой на тот же левый берег. И мне было не удобно, и я поняла, что средства – они не оправданы абсолютно.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Я занималась сорок минут с одной группой, со старшенькими, и двадцать минут с другой группой, с младшенькими. Но с младшенькими, когда ребенку ещё двух лет нет, это вообще тяжело. Ты стараешься с ним сюси-пуси «Teddy-bear» и все такое. Но он ещё не рубит, не понимает, что ты от него хочешь. И я ездила туда дважды, то есть по часу, но опять же: пока я их подожду, они придут с обеда — еще пять минут, потом пока со мной поговорит воспитатель. То есть, грубо говоря, я находилась там около полутора часа. И самая большая проблема это добираться. Это припало на ноябрь, декабрь, январь месяц, это было очень холодно и мне было тяжело. Я могла позвонить сказать, что я сегодня не приеду, а сказать давайте завтра. Но потом они сказали, что им нужно конкретное время и я уже не смогла и мы попрощались.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Ну попрощались и попрощались… Нормально. То есть я еще должна была заехать забрать деньги за одно занятие, но если честно мне уже так не хотелось туда ехать. Не знаю, осадок после этой директрисы остался. Вот эта вся такая показательная дипломатичность, вот такая вот язвленность. Я подумала, ну и ладно с этими деньгами, ехать на эти Позняки, нет, не буду, решила, что это того не стоит.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">С родителями тоже была такая прикольная ситуация. Мне кажется, это пик всей такой дипломатии и неискренности. Я говорила директрисе: Оксана, сегодня со мной хочет поговорить мама чья-то. Она: «Да, вот Вы ей обязательно должны сказать, то ребенок хороший, что он старается, да, вот тяжело ему пока, но он старается». Почему я должна так говорить, если это разбалованное пятилетнее дитё, которое кидает в меня там что-то, совершенно не слушается, ему это вообще не надо и родители просто выкидывают деньги на этот садик, а ему тут нечего делать. С ним не могут справиться. Здесь нужны другие методы. И я сказала им: «Вы должны понимать, что он ведет себя не достойным образом», - глаза у директрисы начинали расширяться. Она говорила: «В принципе, Лена, Вы же им довольны?». Я говорила: «Ну конечно довольна, вон висят работы – человечки кровавые. Вот это такая реакция у вашего ребенка на красно-черные цвета: мы учили там black, red, orange и вот ребенок ваш так нарисовал». А потом, еще были работы, когда нужно разрисовать цветочек, и ребенок вместо того, чтоб разрисовать его как-то, попротыкивал все лепестки карандашом. То есть такой характер деструктивный, но скажи, что он хороший. Вот это мне и не нравилось. Но опять таки, это постановка администрации потому, что им нужно было, чтобы за садик платили и платили большие деньги, потому что это огромная квартира в относительно хорошем районе, это хорошее питание, это определенный персонал, конечно не мегаквалифицированый, но персонал… Я даже видела у них книжки по педагогике, я даже видела, что директриса их читает.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Во-первых, я бы наняла профессионального психолога, который занимался бы тем, что формировал мне программу. Я бы, в основном, уменьшила персонал, я бы не нанимала китаянок. Потому что это выброшенные деньги и, по-моему, это детям не нравилось. Я бы больше сделала акцент на здоровье. Я бы, наверно, больше занималась всякими гимнастиками, потому что я видела, что у них это чисто формально, давайте покрутим зарядку, это не откладывается в голове, что так должно быть. Вот ребенок знает, что у него сегодня по расписанию зарядка, а что зарядка в принципе нужна - он не понимает. И конечно, я бы больше платила, может тогда был бы и персонал был более квалифицированным. И не было бы, что вот девочка пришла, три месяца проработала и ушла.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Я извлекла полезное, что во-первых, руководство есть руководство. И тут ты прыгай, скачи, пляши и что хочешь делай, но иногда надо будет сделать то, что тебе не нравится. Извлекла то, что если нужны деньги, то нужно вертеться. И что английский язык он и в Африке английский язык. Что в нашей стране это еще «потужний засіб для заробляння грошей». Пока ты студент, все понимают, что ты студент и тебе нужны деньги, что ты себя хоть в чем-то хочешь попробовать, начать, и все этим пользуются. Ты – дешевая рабочая сила, наверное. По сути, да, это ведь легкие деньги: делаешь, но для них впечатление, что ты ничего не делаешь – скажи спасибо, что тебе заплатили. Я сказала спасибо и ушла.</span></div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-53292828066083445642011-11-09T07:15:00.000-08:002011-11-29T13:41:02.260-08:00Трудова виставка у Центрі візуальної культури<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2yLbATHub6BiciITEVxo6ZIs8-bOQ6RGfEK6iPV1L5hu0RtPkB8vGBqkC9MToKitJdLSeotwC9ZmSlxSD9YKh-20eIiF8jJ6bGV4EyuR-BlXvLqNHP4CLWX11KDuJ8tqJih0IwnBSg3S3/s1600/labour%252Bshow.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5673017902767371874" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2yLbATHub6BiciITEVxo6ZIs8-bOQ6RGfEK6iPV1L5hu0RtPkB8vGBqkC9MToKitJdLSeotwC9ZmSlxSD9YKh-20eIiF8jJ6bGV4EyuR-BlXvLqNHP4CLWX11KDuJ8tqJih0IwnBSg3S3/s200/labour%252Bshow.jpg" style="cursor: hand; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 200px; margin: 0 10px 10px 0; width: 200px;" /></a>
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Кураторське об’єднання ХУДРАДА запрошує вас відвідати експозицію, назва якої звучить трохи анахронічно – «Трудова виставка», де ви зможете зустрітися з тим, що волею ідеології теперішнього капіталізму втрачає контури реального та стає фантастичним настільки, що допускає будь-які форми контролю, експлуатації та самоексплуатації. Виставка працюватиме з 17 листопада по 2 грудня 2011 року (відкриття 16 листопада о 18:00) у будні дні з 10:00 до 18:00 за адресою: Київ, вул. Сковороди, 2, Староакадемічний корпус.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><a name='more'></a><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Ласкаво просимо на ТРУДОВУ ВИСТАВКУ!</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Тривалий час працю обожнювали. У ХХ столітті вона неодноразово очолював пантеон художньої репрезентації. Сповненими духу переможеної, трансформованої природи зображеннями трударів рясніли сторінки газет, вони з’являлись у найоптимістичніших сюжетах новин, лаконічними орнаментами відтворювалися на стінах будівель.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Проте сьогодні праця постає перед нами як божество повалене. Ми самі майже не помітили, як війна з образами праці закінчилась поразкою останніх, їх витісненням кудись за театральні куліси капіталістичного виробництва. Праця не лише більше нецікава, – вона цілком недоречна, недоладна, непристойна там, де всі софіти спрямовані на товар, щоб наповнити його сакральною значимістю. Повстання проти влади праці закінчилося не звільненням від її обтяжливих, нестерпних проявів, а ще більшим заниженням її завжди амбівалентного статусу, витісненням праці за поле видимості.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Як виявляється, створений світ, світ штучний, цілком спроможний обходитися без контактів зі способом та суб’єктами свого перманентного відтворення.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Радянські часи позаду й ідилічна доярка більше не посміхнеться нам із екранів телевізорів. Проте, разом із її зникненням, наче корова язиком злизала й будь-які інші репрезентативні взаємозв’язки зі сферою створення та виробництва матеріальних благ. Праця, нині невидима, проте не позбавлена своєї прозаїчності, мігрувала десь на околиці буденності, стала загадковою й незбагненною.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Кураторське об’єднання ХУДРАДА запрошує вас відвідати експозицію, назва якої звучить трохи анахронічно – «Трудова виставка», де ви зможете зустрітися з тим, що волею ідеології теперішнього капіталізму втрачає контури реального та стає фантастичним настільки, що допускає будь-які форми контролю, експлуатації та самоексплуатації. Тут ви зможете побачити образи діяльності, що поступово та рішуче переміщуються з простору свідомості у несвідоме, на територію сновидіння.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Праця художника, якій присвячена окрема тематична лінія виставки, розірве кайдани сну та дозволить робітнику одночасно виступити у ролі того, хто споглядає працю. Бо ж на сьогодні тільки мистецтво має можливість повернути працю на авансцену, будь-який інший візуальний модус на це не спроможний.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">У виставці беруть участь: Євгенія Бєлорусець, Анна Звягінцева, Нікіта Кадан, Юлія Костерєва, Юрій Кручак, Володимир Кузнецов, Микола Маценко, Лада Наконечна, Р.Е.П., Олексій Сай, Олексій Салманов, TanzLaboratorium, Леся Хоменко (Україна), Олександра Галкіна, Володимир Логутов, Микола Олєйніков, Сергій Сапожніков, Давід Тер-Оганьян (Росія), Штефан Бюргер (Швейцарія), Люция Німцова (Словаччина), Младен Стілінович (Хорватія)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Відкриття виставки відбудеться 16 листопада, середа, о 18.00</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Виставка працюватиме з 17 листопада до 2 грудня 2011</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">у будні дні з 10:00 до 18:00 за адресою: Центр візуальної культури НаУКМА, Київ, вул. Сковороди, 2, Староакадемічний корпус, 1-й поверх, http://vcrc.ukma.kiev.ua</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Паралельна програма буде анонсуватись додатково.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">При підтримці transit.at, ERSTE Stiftung, ФЦСМ, MediaLab</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Інформаційні партнери: Springerin, Labourarchive</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">По додаткову інформацію просимо звертатись до Лади Наконечної за тел. 0506874907, до Євгенії Бєлорусець за тел. 0975948013</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">http://hudrada.tumblr.com/</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Добро пожаловать на ТРУДОВУЮ ВЫСТАВКУ!</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Труд обожествлялся. В ХХ веке он неоднократно возглавлял пантеон художественной репрезентации. Переполненные святым духом побежденной, переработанной природы изображения трудящихся пестрели на страницах газет, появлялись в самых оптимистичных новостных сюжетах, лаконичными орнаментами проступали на стенах зданий.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Однако сегодня труд предстает перед нами, как божество низвергнутое. Мы сами почти не заметили того, как война с образами труда закончилась поражением последних, их вытеснением куда-то за театральные кулисы капиталистического производства. Труд не только больше не интересен, - он совершенно неуместен, нелеп, неприличен там, где все софиты направляются на товар, чтобы наполнить его сакральной значимостью. Восстание против власти труда закончилось не освобождением от его тягостных, мучительных проявлений, а лишь ещё большим понижением всегда амбивалентного его статуса, вытеснением труда за поле видимости.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Изготовленный мир, мир искусственный, оказывается, вполне может обходиться без соприкосновения с тем, как и кем он перманентно воссоздается.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Советские времена позади и идиллическая доярка больше не улыбается нам с экранов телевизоров. Однако вместе с её исчезновением как сквозь землю провалились и какие-либо другие репрезентативные взаимосвязи со сферой создания и производства материальных благ. Мигрировавший на окраины повседневности, невидимый, труд, не теряя своей прозаичности, становится загадочным и непостижимым.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Кураторское объединение ХУДСОВЕТ приглашает вас посетить выставку, название которой звучит немного анахронично – «Трудовая выставка», где вы сможете повстречаться с тем, что волей идеологии сегодняшнего капитализма теряет очертания реального и становится фантастическим настолько, что допускает любые формы контроля, эксплуатации и самоэксплуатации. Где вы сможете увидеть образы деятельности, постепенно и решительно перемещающиеся из пространства сознания в бессознательное, на территорию сновидения.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Труд художника, которому посвящена отдельная тематическая линия выставки, разорвет оковы сна и позволит трудящемуся выступить одновременно в роли созерцающего труд. Ведь в сегодняшней ситуации только искусство может вернуть труд на авансцену, любой другой визуальный модус на это не способен.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">В выставке участвуют Евгения Белорусец, Анна Звягинцева, Никита Кадан, Юлия Костерева, Юрий Кручак, Владимир Кузнецов, Владимир Логутов, Николай Маценко, Лада Наконечная, Р.Э.П., Алексей Сай, Алексей Салманов, TanzLaboratorium, Леся Хоменко (Украина), Александра Галкина, Николай Олейников, Сергей Сапожников, Давид Тер-Оганьян (Россия), Штефан Бургер (Швейцария), Люция Нимцова (Словакия), Младен Стилинович (Хорватия)</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Открытие выставки 16 ноября, среда, в 18.00</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Выставка будет работать с 17 ноября до 2 декабря 2011</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">в будние дни с 10:00 до 18:00 по адресу: Центр визуальной культуры НаУКМА, Киев, ул. Сковороды, 2, Староакадемический корпус, 1-й этаж, http://vcrc.ukma.kiev.ua</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Параллельная программа будет анонсироваться дополнительно.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">При поддержке transit.at, ERSTE Stiftung, ФЦСМ, MediaLab</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Информационные партнеры: Springerin, Labourarchive.</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">За дополнительной информацией просим обращаться к Ладе Наконечной по тел. 0506874907, к Евгении Белорусец 0975948013</span><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><br style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;" /><span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">http://hudrada.tumblr.com/</span></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-39289955831830450662011-10-28T12:02:00.000-07:002011-10-30T04:42:49.392-07:00"Мы хорошо знали технику, но она просто перестала работать"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVZ9sjR3YEu6s5TeGdm3WEeyQSLuqL1jEWnl7aBQMT7apKtT-UkCkTLVqTj6qn2JpeZBZu7UXuLNwkMfmW1yY1rwrEhQ7xaJappeNbU44enqUyAqUlW0fxoV7UAto6wFddiudyMUw7-Fxq/s1600/reklama+bankrupt+plant.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5668622627799094626" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVZ9sjR3YEu6s5TeGdm3WEeyQSLuqL1jEWnl7aBQMT7apKtT-UkCkTLVqTj6qn2JpeZBZu7UXuLNwkMfmW1yY1rwrEhQ7xaJappeNbU44enqUyAqUlW0fxoV7UAto6wFddiudyMUw7-Fxq/s200/reklama+bankrupt+plant.jpg" style="cursor: hand; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 150px; margin: 0 10px 10px 0; width: 150px;" /></a>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Розповідь робітника з установки металопластикових вікон, колишнього працівника заводу “Більшовик” про свою колишню роботу і нинішні умови праці, записана студенткою соціології НаУКМА Анастасією Чорногорською. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Мне пятдесят шест</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">ь лет, образование среднее техническое.</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"><b> </b></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"><span style="font-weight: normal;">По професии я</span></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> слесарь-сборщик. Я был бригадиром слесарей-сборщиков на заводе “Большевик”. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;">Но на этой должности я недолго проработал, года три всего</span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">. До этого просто по специальности работал газосварщиком. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Это хорошая работа была</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">. Мы занимались сборкой оборудования для шинной промышленности, собирали машины… Много было командировок – по всему Союзу поездили. И в Омске, и по Украине: в Днепропетровске, в Белой Церкви очень долго работали – монтировали завод шинный… вот. Так что совсем хорошо было. И рядом с домом, и командировки. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Моя жена тоже работала, тоже на “Большевике”, экономистом в другом цехе. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Б</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">ыла хорошая зарплата</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">. Если без командировочных даже… это где-то было… Ну, в завистимости от того, сдавали вовремя работу или нет. Потому что мы занимались сдачей, сборкой машины, сдавали их и потом монтировали на заводах.</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> Но, вот к примеру, за те деньги, что я получал, я мог себе “Жигули” позволить купить. Правда, хм, были деньги, а очередь так и не дошла.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Я мог расчитивать на</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> маскимальную пенсию, хотя это обычный, так сказать, тариф был, а </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">не горячая сетка, как у сварщиков, плавильщиков. Да, пенсия могла бы быть максимальная. На те времана давали сто двадцать рублей. На неё вполне можно было жить. Да</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">же</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang=""> хватало</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> рабочим. И больничный я мог взять, и отпуск. Более того, не каждый год, но хотя бы раз в два года, или может в три года профсоюзные путёвки были обязательные. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Мы каждый год ездили в отпуск в Крым. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Мы успели кооператив построить, то есть кооперативную квартиру. Завод “Большевик” много строил тогда. У него был очень хороший директор в своё время… за что его и сняли. Он очень много денег тратил на строительство жилых домов. Вначале мы жили в гостинке, в общежитии гостинничного типа. Потом уже смогли кооператив построить. То есть квартирный вопрос был решён ещё тогда.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">В принципе, работа конечно интересная была.</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang=""> Да, детали шинного производства вобщем-то достаточно отличаются друг от друга, то есть каждая новая машина сильно отделялась от других. Для каждого завода были свои, а сколько тогда в стране было шинных заводов! Единственное, что были очень… временами приходилось работать сутками. Когда надо было сдавать, план заканчивать. Потому что мы последние собственно сдавали всю продукцию, которую делал завод. Ну, не всю, но ту, что по нашей части. И чтобы ее здать – как всегда с браком делалось всё, наспех переделывалось – бывало такое, что мы чуть ли не сутками на заводе, чтобы сдать заказчику оборудование. И в командировках то же самое. Если ехали в командировки на монтаж, так называемый шеф-монтаж, там тоже приходилось работать много. И командировки долгие были, и работали долго. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">А вначале квартала, когда машину только запускаешь, то мы сидели, вобщем-то, хм, ничего не делали. Нам выводили средний какой-нибудь там, или бывало так, что нам окладывали наряды с прошлой сдачи, которые мы зарабатывали. Или если не могли заплатить в предыдущем месяце, потому что потолок в оплате, или когда работу делали во времена сдачи... Вот с этого и платили зарплату, а мы сидели без дела.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">В общем, н</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">еплохая работа была, неплохая. Я не могу сказать, что там какие-то особые были привилегии и всё такое, просто это было нормальное отношение, это была достаточно високооплачиваемая работа. С нами считались, нас уважали, к нашему мнению прислушивались. Каких-то особых таких льгот и прочего не было, но мы чувствовали себя достаточно уважаемыми людьми. Тем более с нашей профессией, поскольку мы давали работу всему заводу, к нам отношение было очень уважительное. Да и на любом заводе, так сказать, зависели от нас. Запуск какого-то производства зависел от нас в основном. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Но каких-то особых льгот, не знаю… ну, путёвки давали там, но это такое дело… </span></span><span style="font-size: small;">Отношение б</span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">ыло</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> такое, как и ко всем. Потому </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">что особого деления на рабочих и нерабочих, интелигентов – такого не было. Вот в нашей же бригаде работал парень конструктором в отделе. Он вечерний институт закончил. И он ушёл потому, что там зарплаты были маленькие, а ему надо было тоже квартиру строить, кооператив. А у нас работа хорошооплачиваемая, плюс командировочные. Работал он у нас в бригаде електриком, он инженер-електрик по образованию. В общем, каких-то таких различий не было. Это на каком-то официальном уровне как-то могло проявляться, а вот так в обычной жизни эти вещи просто не чувствовались.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Почему мы чувствовали себя </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"><i>привилегированными</i></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"><span style="font-style: normal;">?</span></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> Потому что работали на заводе “Большевик”. Да, это считалось престижно. Почему? Ну опять же:</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang=""> хорошая зарплата и самое главное – что быстро давали жильё. По сравнению с другими заводами, а уж тем более с какими-то научными институтами, всякими учителями школ и прочими, прочими… </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">М</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">ожет потому, что я попал в такое время, когда был этот директор Костына, это было... так сказать, считалось, что на </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">заводе “Большевик” чуть ли не быстрее всего во всём Киеве получить жильё. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Ох, а сейчас оно так перепуталось… Так перепуталось, что даже сам не знаешь, с чем сравнивать. Настолько большая разница между людьми, их положением. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Я после “Большевика”</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> очень много раз работу менял, очень. Может раз пять, или наверное даже больше – раз десять. Р</span></span><span style="font-size: small;">аботу по специальности было сложно найти, потому что такая специальность... Об</span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">ычным</span> </span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">слесарем можно было работь, а вот слесарем, который делал бы такую сложную, необычную технику – автоклавы, смесители... Ну, это то, что перестало делаться сейчас. Мы хорошо знали технику, но она просто перестала работать, потому что многие заводы шинные позакрывались, работать перестали, и найти просто технику, с которой мы работали, сложно было. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Поэтому я если не разнорабочим, то… В</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">от конкретно. Если б я был слесарем каким-то, инструментальщиком или токарем, или фрезировщиком, тогда может было бы проще, мне всё равно было бы, что фрезировать или точить. А поскольку вот такая специальность была… И тогда позвонил один из бригады моей и сказал, что у него родственник дальний какой-то организовывает фирму по производству окон металопластиковых. И </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">ему нужны нормальные люди, непьющие и всё такоё. Потому что работа-то несложная, но там надо грамотно работать, внимательно, аккуратно. Хочешь, говорит, – попробуй. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Попробовали. И вот, по-моему, уже шесть лет я на э</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">той работе, которая ничего общего с прошлым не имеет. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">Нет, больше. Нет, меньше – пять лет где-то. Я</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> наново переучился. Оно ничего общего не имеет с той работой, которой я занимался. Опять же, трудно очень судить о нынешнем положении, но по крайней мере как-то работаем, работа более-менее постоянная. Квартиру я по нынешним временам купить не смог бы, но заработал на машину. Правда, старенькую, подержаную… </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Но сейчас очень сложно. Есть конечно работа, но если раньше весной была сдача домов, то сейчас у нас в основном заказы на квартиры, на частные дома за городом, а это только к концу лета, осенью, не сейчас. А</span> </span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">у нас сдельная оплата – сколько окон поставил – столько и заработал.</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA"> Слава Богу, здоровье есть, так что я за эти пять лет не болел ни ра</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">зу. А так, если болеешь – тебе же больничный никто не оформляет. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">Договорился с начальником – «я там поболею». Эх…</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang=""> </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">и социальных гарантий нет, </span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">и доход неофициальн</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">ый</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">. Конечно, какую-то часть получаем официально. Фирма старается поставить себя солидно, мы даём трёхлетнюю гарантию на наши окна, поэтому у нас должны рабочие числиться официально. Но это даже не половина зарплат</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="uk-UA">ы</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="">. Отсюда всё это. </span></span><span style="font-size: small;">Но хоть стаж идёт. Ну, а какая будет пенсия…</span></div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-54370759577147156222011-10-28T01:53:00.000-07:002011-10-30T04:21:42.622-07:00Деніел Валковіц про шахтарський рух на Донбасі у 1989-91 роках (аудіо, відео)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Публічна лекція відомого історика, професора Нью-Йоркського Університету Даніела Валковіца (Daniel J. Walkowitz) про шахтарський рух на Донбасі у 1989-91 роках відбулася у приміщенні кафедри історії та теорії соціології Львівського університету 25 жовтня. Двадцять років тому Валковіц приїхав на Донбас, щоб досліджувати шахтарський рух. За результатами цих досліджень видано книгу "Говорять робітники Донбасу" і знято документальний фільм "Перестройка знизу". Лекція була організована проектом „Праця і робітничий рух в Україні: архів і дослідження" за сприянням кафедри історії та теорії соціології Львівського університету.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Аудіо:</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"><a href="http://min.us/lblFpbxuLdexxf">Лекція професора Нью-Йоркського Університету Даніела Вулковіца
(Daniel J. Walkowitz) про шахтарський рух на Донбасі у 1989-91 роках</a> <script src="http://mediaplayer.yahoo.com/js" type="text/javascript">
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<iframe frameborder="0" height="540" src="http://min.us/mutgCIttx#1e" width="100%"></iframe></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-39388954143936386412011-10-23T03:48:00.000-07:002011-10-28T12:24:51.873-07:00Запрошуємо на дискусію: "Революція 1991: спасибі жителям Донбасу!"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqYeFlfyCODRWSAA1P3BXjBEHBRG-lEYCvhBaEpNtDxnpsAvHIFWm_xvMJNxhPtyaUX0SryC9zmgQAJMFZGo4-LPj0M3OeYzeWeyAvanOM5CWfo0BQoet7p5lkDeKR7ClAU845uk2Ci3Cn/s1600/donbas+miners+strike+89.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5666638618061616162" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqYeFlfyCODRWSAA1P3BXjBEHBRG-lEYCvhBaEpNtDxnpsAvHIFWm_xvMJNxhPtyaUX0SryC9zmgQAJMFZGo4-LPj0M3OeYzeWeyAvanOM5CWfo0BQoet7p5lkDeKR7ClAU845uk2Ci3Cn/s200/donbas+miners+strike+89.jpg" style="cursor: hand; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 148px; margin: 0 10px 10px 0; width: 148px;" /></a><div align="JUSTIFY" style="text-align: left;margin-bottom: 0in; font-family:Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"><p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'Times New Roman', serif;font-size:6;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:20px;"> </span></span></p><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'Times New Roman', serif;font-size:6;"><p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span lang="uk-UA"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">"Спасибі жителям Донбасу за незалежність України!" - такого лозунгу бракувало на цьогорічних святкуваннях двадцятої річниці незалженості. Тим часом, потужний шахтарський рух 1989-91 років відіграв важливу роль у розпаді СРСР. Які вимоги ставили гірники? Чого вони прагнули і чого вдалося досягти? Про це у вівторок, 25жовтня о 19год. в ауд.319 головного корпусу Львівського університету розповість історик Деніел Валковіц, професор Нью Йоркського Університету, що досліджував шахтарський рух Донбасу <a name='more'></a>1989-91 років (за результатами цих досліджень видано книгу "Говорять робітники Донбасу" і знято документальний фільм "Перестройка знизу"). Зустріч англійською мовою, вхід вільний.</span></span></span></span></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
</span> </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">25 жовтня о 19:00, ауд.319 головного корпусу Львівського університету</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
</span> </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">Організатори: проект "Праця і робітничий рух в Україні: архів і дослідження", кафедра історії та теорії соціології Львівського університету</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
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</span> </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">Invitation for a discussion: “Revolution of 1991: thanks to the residents of the Donbass!” (information in English below)</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
</span> </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">“</span><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">Thanks to the residence of the Donbass for Ukraine's independence” - this slogan was missing at this year's celebrations of the 20</span><span style="color:#000000;"><sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">th</span></sup></span><span style="color:#000000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;"> anniversary of independence. In the meantime, the powerful miners' movement of 1989-91 played an important role in the break-up of the USSR. What demands were the miners voicing? What were they hoping for and what was achieved? These questions will be addressed on Tuesday, October 25 at 7p.m. in the aud.319 of the main building of Lviv university by Dr. Daniel Walkowitz, a historian from New York University who conducted research of the Donbass miners' movement of 1989-91 (that resulted into a book “Workers of the Donbass speak” and a documentary film “Perestroika from below”). Discussion in English, free entrance.</span></span></span></span></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
</span> </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="color:#000000;"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">October 25 at 7 p.m., aud.319 of the main building of Lviv University</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">
</span> </p> <p style="margin-bottom: 0in"><span style="font-family:Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color:#000000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:medium;">Organized by the project “Labor and the Labor Movement in Ukraine: Archive and Research” and by the Department of History and Theory of Sociology at Lviv University.</span></span></span></p> </span><p></p></div></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-81818970105861211382011-10-22T06:19:00.000-07:002011-10-24T02:53:35.214-07:00Документальний фільм "Шахта №8"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlWOh3HGeeiYOyl49DQUAWpT1KVwdhcuhYISsnt_5JaXHtyEzfYAKSvedVrPUO8f3GkJoJbigc1ZmIYSS4mb6H-kCezNqlqeuevL9foXbqMBkY6rg57VLRFiseeb1ZHASFPZO8xZs3xdCJ/s1600/%25D1%2588%25D0%25B0%25D1%2585%25D1%2582%25D0%25B0+%25E2%2584%25968.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5666313295526829282" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlWOh3HGeeiYOyl49DQUAWpT1KVwdhcuhYISsnt_5JaXHtyEzfYAKSvedVrPUO8f3GkJoJbigc1ZmIYSS4mb6H-kCezNqlqeuevL9foXbqMBkY6rg57VLRFiseeb1ZHASFPZO8xZs3xdCJ/s200/%25D1%2588%25D0%25B0%25D1%2585%25D1%2582%25D0%25B0+%25E2%2584%25968.jpg" style="cursor: hand; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 150px; margin: 0 10px 10px 0; width: 150px;" /></a>
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"Шахта №8" - це естонський документальний фільм 2010 року, знятий у шахтарському містечку Сніжному на Донбасі. Головний герой, 15-річний Юра Сіканов, підпільно добуває вугілля у закинутих шахтах-копанках, щоби прогодувати двох сестер, матір і вітчима. Режисерка Маріанна Каат працювала над фільмом понад два роки (з них півтора роки зйомок у Сніжному) і дотепер підтримує контакт з дітьми (молодшу дівчинку забрали до дитбудинку, Юра закінчує ПТУ при інтернаті, однак його майбутнє невизначене, враховуючи високий рівень безробіття у регіоні). </div>
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Дивіться відео: <a href="http://youtu.be/h6qEGCGNrhQ">http://youtu.be/h6qEGCGNrhQ</a></div>
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Читайте також <a href="http://kp.ru/daily/25698/900844/">інтерв'ю з режисеркою Маріанною Каат</a></div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-6889072780035468482011-10-21T02:51:00.000-07:002011-10-24T02:55:54.280-07:00Швейний цех села Веселе (фото)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: small;">Чоловіки села Веселе більшу частину року зазвичай
перебувають на заробітках, але не всі можуть
заробити достатньо для цілорічного існування родини. Часто жінки також
намагаються влаштуватися працювати, і
тоді у них залишається значно менше часу для догляду за будинком, худобою, господарством. В селі із населенням 5 тисяч є кілька можливостей
працевлаштуватися: цегельний завод, швейний цех, три лісопилки.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">У швейному цеху, де виробляються бахіли та одноразові
робітничі халати, працюють 180 жінок, він відкрився
7 років тому на територіях колишнього колгоспу завдяки інвестиціям зі Словенії.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Тут працюють жінки з 17-річного до 60-річного віку, але тих,
які щойно закінчили школу – меншість.
Офіційно робочий тиждень у цеху триває 5 днів, день - 8 годин, починається о
дев’ятій ранку і закінчується біля
шостої, однак і після шостої багато хто залишається на робочому місці, бо зарплатня вираховується за кількістю
зробленої роботи. Доволі часто релігійні свята, котрі випадають на робочі дні, доводиться відпрацьовувати по суботах, що
всіх влаштовує, бо більше за все
працюючі жінки бояться втратити цю роботу.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Дихати в цеху важко, бо синтетичний пил заповнює собою
повітря, жодних масок на обличчях, жодного захисту від пилу, однак ніхто на
умови роботи не жаліється, навпаки, жінки стурбовані тим, що можуть прийти журналісти і висвітлити умови їх роботи з
неприємного боку, що це може вплинути
на подальше існування цеху.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">За радянських часів у селі також був ще більший швацький
цех, на якому теж не легко було працювати.
Закрився він біля 90-их років, як і більшість інших виробництв. Так само як і
працівники цегельного заводу,
робітники швейного цеху ставляться до наявності роботи, як до чогось плинного, нестійкого. Їм здається, що у
будь-який момент виробництво може зупинитися, зарплату, поки хоч і маленьку, але стабільну, можуть перестати
платити, і в селі знов роками не буде
роботи.</span></div>
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<i>Текст і фото - Євгенія Білорусець</i></div>
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-84846222885125277122011-10-20T02:20:00.000-07:002011-10-21T04:19:26.663-07:00An Anatomy of ‘Collective Anti-Collectivism’: Labor Sociology in Ukraine and Romania<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: small;">This article shows that workers (their life-worlds and instances of collective action) have been conspicuously absent from the work of local sociologists by researching three sociological journals of professional associations and Academies of Sciences in Ukraine and Romania. Such an absence is particularly puzzling given the dramatic deterioration in the material situation of the working class in both countries during post-communism, some experience during Soviet times with the sociology of work in Ukraine, and the widespread worker protests in Romania throughout both decades since the fall of communism. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><b><span style="font-size: large;">An Anatomy of ‘Collective Anti-Collectivism’: Labor Sociology in Ukraine and Romania</span> </b></span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><i>Mihai Varga</i></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Part 1 – The Absence of Labor Sociology in Ukraine and Romania </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">1.1. TRANSITION IN UKRAINE AND ROMANIA </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Excluding war-hit economies, no other country witnessed such a deep and prolonged crisis of transition from socialism to capitalism as Ukraine. Industrial workers were particularly hard hit by transition, with steep increases in prices, stagnating wages, and the destruction of millions of jobs. Machine-building and metal-processing in general were at the heart of labor market restructuring in Ukraine, the industrial sector to see the biggest drop in employment, from 3m in 1990 to 1.8m in 1995, and down again to 974,000 in 2001. Millions more jobs were destroyed in farming, the construction sector and in light industry. In comparison to the 7.5m industrial workers in 1985, in 2001 there were only 3.2m left (Simonchuk 2005: 17-18, using data from the State Statistics Office of Ukraine). Did the massive changes in the situation of the working class foster the development of labor sociology? This article shows that far from accompanying the working class with their studies, sociologists avoided analyzing the new situation of the working class. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">In this article I also study the absence of labor sociology in Romania, a country that has seen similar job destruction and steep price increases during post-communism. Keeping in mind the Romanian communist economy’s heavy industry dominance, job destruction in the heavy industry after the fall of communism ranged between 60% for mining (Haney and Shkaratan 2003: 4) and 70-80% in steel and machine-building (FES 2006: 10). In contrast to Ukraine, Romania witnessed a trade union movement that often challenged governments and protested against certain aspects of market reforms (particularly price liberalization and privatization). But, as we will see, the dominant attitude among Romanian sociologists was to avoid labor sociology, possibly even to a greater extent than in Ukraine. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">For this article I analyzed 993 sociology articles in three leading sociology journals in the two countries. The paper has the following structure. The next section gives an overview of the topics that sociologists studied during transition and shows that labor sociology and also sociology of work were the great absents from the research interests of sociologists in the two countries. Topics such as workers, the working class, and labor movements received very little attention in Ukraine. This is true also for Romania, a country that has seen a labor movement capable of marking the entire post-communist period up until today with its protests (while labor protests were common in Ukraine only during the transition’s first six years, 1991-1997, and especially in 1991-1993). By using the Ukraine-Romania comparison, I delimit what I consider to be the big ‘absents’ in the two countries’ sociological literatures: not only studies dedicated to collective action (possibly an instance of what Levinson called collective anti-collectivism, see Levinson 2006) or instances of collective action initiated by workers (labor protests), but the absence from sociological analyses of workers and the working class even where the working class was at least a vocal actor in transition politics. The paper’s second part discusses several explanations for labor’s absence from the two countries’ sociological literatures. I argue against explanations in terms of ideological legacies – claiming that in post-communist societies, class analysis and the working class are somehow ideologically tainted and for this reason avoided by a multitude of social actors, including academics. Instead, I rely on Kutsenko’s (2000a) analysis of Ukrainian society to suggest that for a number of reasons (including financial ones) sociologists have mirrored the state’s rejection of class analysis in favor of market-oriented studies. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">1.2. THE ABSENSE OF A LABOR SOCIOLOGY IN UKRAINE AND ROMANIA </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The journals researched for this article are the two countries’ three most influential sociology journals, the only ones that can claim an uninterrupted post-communist existence and a national readership. The National Academy of Sciences in Ukraine and Romania each issue a journal. The third one is the journal of Romania’s Association of Sociologists, a journal without an equivalent in Ukraine. The three journals are the oldest in each country and are national in terms of the location of contributors (while other sociology journals, based at one or the other university, might serve as outlets for staff members of the respective university only). Furthermore, since there is no thematic specialization in these journals, the journals offer the researcher the advantage of covering all areas of sociology, giving a good overview of the topics studied by sociologists. As I could only study the online archives of these journals, the time frame of my research is limited to the journal issues available online (roughly covering the last ten years of the post-communist period, but I left very little out, since these journals started appearing without interruption only around 1998-1999). Additionally, I rely on articles providing overviews of the first ten years to extend my observations to the entire post-communist period. For coding the journal articles I used the International Sociology Association’s list of sociological fields (corresponding to the 55 research committees) [1].</span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">First, I wanted to know how many articles in the Ukrainian journal treat workers or the working class as their central subject, regardless of the theoretical framework (whether Marxist or not). The results were that only 20 articles out of 465 in some way dealt with workers [2]. Out of these only one (Pan’kova and Ivashchenko 2006) dealt with the labor movement in Ukraine. Six were conceptual (Popova 2003; Kutsenko 2000b, 2002; Makeev 2001, 2006; Riabchuk 2007). The remaining articles all make use of empirical data (in all cases quantitative, survey-based or relying on official data from the State Committee for Statistics) to study the class composition of Ukraine (Kutsenko 2000a; Lane 2006; Simonchuk 2005, 2006; Oksamitnaya 2006; Shcherbak 2006; Patrakova 2009; except for the two articles by Simonchuk, none of these studies focus on the working class alone, but study also other classes). One article (Drozhanova 2007) is a study of labor commitment to production. Finally, two studies focus on protest behavior (motivation of Donbass industrial workers, Pan’kova 2006; ‘social tensions’ in Donbass mining areas, Gulyaev 2003). It is important to emphasize that the existence of these 20 articles shows that the editors of the journal do not turn down offers on labor, but that instead they receive very few articles in both countries. Respondents who have published about labor in both countries have confirmed that there is no explicit or implicit editorial rejection of articles on labor in the journals under study (field notes, Kyiv, October 2010) [3]. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Is 20 out of 465 a little, or is this a lot? I argue that this is very little, and that the proportion of worker studies among the total number of studies serves as evidence for the general absence of labor from the Ukrainian sociologists’ research agendas (I use the terms worker and labor interchangeably). Even though industrial workers are the key social category negatively affected by market reforms, their fate sparked little interest among Ukrainian sociologists. I coded separately in row 56 the articles that in some way or the other thematize transition – study how the transition to capitalism impacted on various areas of society in Ukraine. It is striking that the only study out of 38 doing this for workers comes from a British author (Lane 2006), while most of the Ukrainian studies of transition broadly focused on public opinion issues, and specifically on the issue of the impact of transition on public values. Furthermore, while most studies above focus on social structure, there are no studies of the consequences of market reforms for worker lifeworlds, a striking fact given that we are talking of a reduction by ten million in eleven years (1990-2001) in the number of formally employed workers (counting all worker categories, not only industrial workers; Simonchuk 2005: 17). And last, what also stands out is the lack of ethnographic studies of workers in the journals studied. Such a lack is again telling of the little interest that the fate of workers sparked among sociologists, although it could be that the journal itself might be biased against ethnographic research (there are no ethnographies on other topics either). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Ukrainian sociologists publishing in the journal under study have taken the most interest in the impact of transition on public values. As we will see, this topic has not been equally present in the Romanian journals discussed below. What could explain this preference in the Ukrainian journal is the journal editor’s own research agenda centered around this topic (Golovakha and Panina 1996). Furthermore, one respondent in Kyiv – the head of a sociology institute – suggested that the interest in public opinion might be related to data availability, given that many sociologists work in public opinion institutes that mainly carry out surveys on behalf of the media, political parties and private companies (field notes, Kyiv, July 2010). Other topics that have drawn the attention of Ukrainian sociologists are studies in social psychology (also close to the editors’ specialization), sociological theory, methodology, sociology of communication, and most of all political sociology (with most work here also based on public opinion surveys).</span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">In this article I also present the results of a similar study carried out on two Romanian sociology journals. There are two reasons for including the two Romanian journals in the study. First, one could argue that the decrease in jobs in Ukraine took place silently, with the few worker protests over worsening living conditions concentrated in the first three years after Ukrainian independence, and also geographically clustered in Eastern Ukraine’s mining areas. Romania, however, has seen – in post-communist regional comparison – repeated and extended industrial conflict (Crowley 2004; for overviews see Keil and Keil 2002; and Bush 2004). The peak was around 1999 and 2003, and strike waves engulfed not only the mining sector, but also steel and machine-building, and the employees in the state sector, particularly in transport and education (Varga, 2011). Second, Romanian sociology has strong ethnographic roots in the 1930’s ‘monographic school’ of sociology, and this can be seen from the large number of articles especially in the journal of the Sociological Association that use ethnographic research. However, the data show an even smaller percentage of studies of workers – 1.5% – than the 4% in Ukraine [4]. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Out of the eight studies that have a labor-focus (with ‘workers’ or ‘employees’ as their central subjects), two of the three that fall under labor sociology (one in each journal) were written by the same American anthropologist (Kideckel 1999, 2007). They are the only instances of ethnography of worker life-worlds, with the exception of the study of gentrification and exclusion of workers in one Romanian city (Petrovici 2007). The topics covered in the eight studies are worker living conditions, employee commitment to production, and working class relative positioning in relation to other classes. No study deals with the labor movement, with trade unions or with any form of worker collective action. What the sociology journals in both countries share is, however, more than just a lack of labor studies – it is also a more general lack of subaltern studies, for instance of retirees, the homeless, the unemployed. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The key developments that sparked the Romanian sociologists’ interest in the context of transition are crime (in the first journal, RRS) and migration (in the second one, RS). Studies in rural sociology (coded above as community research and regional and urban development) account for almost 20% of the contributions to the second journal. It would be reasonable to expect a higher percentage of articles to be dedicated to labor sociology (together with sociology of work), given that at least one third of the country’s inhabitants perceives itself as belonging to the working class (and another 20% to the ‘lower class’) [5], and given the country’s post-communist history of labor protests and worker opposition to government reforms. In the remainder of this article I discuss several explanations for the lack of interest in labor of sociologists in both countries. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Part 2 – Reasons for the Absence of a Labor Sociology in Ukraine and Romania </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">THE COMMUNIST INHERITANCE </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">When exploring why labor is missing from the sociological journals in the two countries, one probably has to start from mentioning the difficult situation inherited by sociology as a profession from the time of communist regimes. Ukrainian sociology had to establish itself against a Soviet inheritance that did not differ from what was common in other parts of the Soviet Union, most notably Russia: a profession basically in the service of the political apparatus, offering it the information it needed to regulate the workplace. The study of work, the workplace, and their relationships with other aspects of worker lives, were central for Soviet sociology, and sociology in Soviet Ukraine was no exception here. Vilen Chernovolenko’s studies of the links between professional orientation and family life represent the starting point in the careers of an entire generation of sociologists. These sociologists still shape the discipline today by virtue of the positions they hold in universities and the Academy of Sciences. However, what would prove problematic for the development of labor sociology was that this growing sociological scholarship largely or completely avoided turning Marxist concepts and class analysis against the Soviet Union itself. Sociology avoided questions of alienation and exploitation in the Soviet Union (Burawoy 2009) and Ukraine (Kutsenko 2000a). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">On the other hand, probably in its efforts to obtain data about work and workers, the political apparatus did grant sociology certain autonomy and some limited means to circulate research results. Both autonomy and means came under attack during the transition to capitalism, as soon as authorities no longer had reasons to guarantee that autonomy; furthermore, not all sociologists had enjoyed such autonomy in the first place, leading Ukrainian sociologists to differ widely in their assessments of the Soviet period (for instance, Popova 2008 makes the argument that Ukrainian sociology enjoyed such autonomy while Vil’ Bakirov claims that Ukrainian sociology had to operate underground). I am not arguing that sociology became more tied to the state after communism; quite to the contrary, sociology became less tied to the state that during communism had an interest in guaranteeing sociology of work certain autonomy and access to financial means (see Popova 2008; at the same time, other areas of sociology faced censorship) [6]. But the point is that Ukrainian sociology was probably slightly better positioned to at least document the vast changes that the working class underwent during the transition to capitalism than Romanian sociology. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">In Romania, the situation of sociology was much more difficult, with the communist regime virtually banning the discipline in 1977 (one could become a trained sociologist only after having graduated from the Communist Party’s academy (Gheorghiu 2002). Some sociologists carried out research on behalf of the Party, and many others survived in academic positions in philosophy and history departments and could reactivate the discipline as soon as the communist regime fell in 1989, but there was a significant lack of both students and knowledge to catch up in order to develop the capacity to study transition. One should not, however, push the argument about sociology in the two countries being too weak to study transition and its impact on worker life-worlds too far. After all, funding difficulties do not explain why sociologists devote more attention to some areas of sociology rather than others. We have seen that more than labor sociology, it was the changes in public opinion and the increase in social anomy unleashed by transition that have captured the attention of Ukrainian sociologists, while Romanian sociologists devoted most of their attention to migration and crime rather than to changes affecting the working class. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The absence of labor from sociology might be the result of another factor, captured in Alexei Levinson’s metaphor of ‘collective anti-collectivism’ (2006), and in the Western social scientific literature on transition in the phrase ‘ideological legacies of communism’ (Crowley and Ost 2001). There are two different aspects here, one explaining the absence of studies of the labor movement, and the other explaining the lack of interest in workers and their life-worlds. First, Levinson denoted by ‘collective anti-collectivism’ the rejection among parts of the Russian public of collective action and of collectivist values in favor of individualism and the belief that one is better off on his or her own (Levinson 2006). Sociologists might themselves share this rejection of collective action, an idea possibly supported by the lack, in the journals researched for this article, of studies of any other instance of collective action (other than labor; for instance, there was only one study of the environmentalist movement in the Ukrainian journal and none of collective action by nationalist groups). Second, the ideological legacies of communism mean that an interest in the working class and its involvement in collective action is somehow ideologically suspect (in the eyes of both post-communist elites and the wider population), as it bears the menace of a rehabilitation of or even a return to a communist regime. Crowley and Ost trace ideological legacies back to post-communist elites that ensure the consensus around market reforms by shaping the ideological space ahead of them by ‘destroying the ideological opposition’ of subordinate groups, including workers (Crowley and Ost 2001; see also Lane 2007). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">However, I did not limit this study to Ukraine precisely because I wanted to show that explanations based on ideological legacies have difficulties tackling the situation in countries where ideological legacies operate selectively, deterring from collective action (or the study of it) only parts of the population, while other parts do not reject it. Romania is precisely such a case. In Ukraine, for instance, ideological legacies could be a good explanation why workers do not engage in collective action (it threatens to return communism) and sociologists do not study the working class (it bears the promise of collective action which in turn threatens to return communism). But in the case of Romania, workers do not refrain from collective action, while sociologists nevertheless do not write about them. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">More generally, it could indeed be that the lack of interest in workers during the post-communist period in part goes back to a similar exhaustion of the topic because of its centrality in communist ideology in both of the countries’ communist pasts. But one should keep in mind that what was indeed exhausted during communism was a very uncritical analysis of workers and the working class, rejecting a priori the study of the working class in terms of alienation and exploitation (Mandel 2001). The question therefore becomes why a trend of avoiding the study of class with critical concepts continued even after the demise of official censorship. In the reminder of this article, I offer an answer by arguing that sociologists might have more in common with the countries’ ruling elites than with workers and other subaltern groups, and therefore might be reluctant to study workers and their life-worlds (I build here on the work of Kutsenko 2000). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">TWO OPPOSING WORLDS: SUCCESS VERSUS SURVIVAL </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">In order to understand the absence of labor from sociology in Ukraine and Romania, one needs a broader perspective on sociology, one that situates sociology in the political context in which it operates in the two countries. What are the characteristics of this context? In one of her articles, Ol’ga Kutsenko describes what she calls the class system of post-Soviet society, a system of ‘alternative social powers, articulating their interests, and finding themselves in a situation of dynamic interaction and able to considerably influence the societal transformation process’ (2000a: 30). She distinguishes between two such class formations on the basis of life orientations that the resources at their disposal allow them to follow. Using surveys of Ukraine’s Kharkiv area and cluster analysis, she identifies first a ‘market-oriented’ formation or ‘macro-group’ (whose members are oriented towards achieving success), relying on a combination of </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[...] organizational resources, property, social and cultural capital. The macro-group consists of politicians, civil servants, employers, highly qualified specialists, and parts of the studentship, all people who could profit from the introduction of markets. The members of the other macro-group fight for survival, have less means at their disposal to achieve anything but survival and therefore are subject to exploitation. Workers, pensioners, lower level state personnel all fall under this category. (Kutsenko 2000a: 31)</span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">These are, in the words of Kutsenko, ‘opposing social worlds, with varying social power’ (2000a: 31; all citations are my translations).</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Is it helpful to think of sociologists and workers as belonging to opposing social worlds, and argue that this is the reason why the former ignore the latter in Ukraine and Romania? I think so, as this explanation better explains the near total absence of studies of workers from the work of sociologists, despite a tradition of studies of work (at least in Ukraine), and despite a vocal labor movement in Romania. Furthermore, such an explanation is also suited for explaining another characteristic of sociology in the two countries: the lack of studies of other subaltern groups (pensioners, homeless, the unemployed). Such studies are equally missing, while studies of peasants, despite being highly present in Romanian sociology, tend to focus on peasants as carriers of national culture rather than peasants in the context of the newly introduced market economy. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Why would sociologists and workers end up in such different positions? One possible way to answer this question is to think about what the career of a sociologist in search of employment or funding for his department or institute looked like after the fall of communism, in an academic environment crippled by lacking funds. Coupled with the struggle to find or keep a job in academia, sociologists had to fight to establish institutes or departments (in Romania), or to keep them from being closed as part of the heavy budgetary cuts facing Ukrainian universities throughout the 1990s. Sociologists also had to fight to secure funding for the institute or department from governments or private companies, and they sought to attract students to the university – focusing on the richer ones in order to further secure, funds as the studies cited below suggest. The point is that there are few possible points of contact between sociologists and workers, and a sociologist’s own post-communist transition resembles more the one of private entrepreneurs, and possibly features more points of contact with the latter, and with state officials than with workers. Evidence for this argument above comes from three different sources – existing literature, data on life-stories that I have collected, and one observable implication of the thesis that the weakness of labor sociology can be traced back to the positions sociologists themselves occupy in society. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">First, there are several studies that discuss with a focus on Ukraine how lacking funding and problematic legislation pushes academics in general (and in particular in the social sciences) to seek funding by engaging in a variety of corrupt practices with students. (Round and Rodgers 2009; Osipian 2008; Jepherson and Egorov 1997). Round and Rodgers for instance note that academics often start engaging in such practices out of necessity, pushed by the needs of their families, but that later on in the career of academics such practices become so vast that they resemble a business – one in which diplomas are traded for money. Furthermore Ukrainian academics enter political deals with state officials, offering to allow the political mobilization of students in exchange for funds to support academic institutions (Osipian 2008; Jepherson and Egorov 1997). In case such deals fail, tuition paying students become the main source of funding, pushing academics to boost the number of fee-paying students with all possible means, including by actually guaranteeing graduation and high grades in exchange for individual bribes. This probably orients sociologists towards servicing – including by means of research – the career goals of the richer fee-paying studentship rather than of other parts of society (Osipian 2008). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">This account is also confirmed by interviews and other data about life stories of academics that I collected in Kyiv. Three sociologists working at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy in Kyiv explained how funding works in the case of their research areas, business studies for the first of them and labor studies for the other two. All three of them did not have access to the public funds available for Ukrainian state universities. But – simply because he was targeting an audience that has considerable funds in comparison to other societal groups – it was much easier for the first one to set up a business school than for the other two, interested in establishing a labor institute. Support in his case came from the businesspeople interested in studies of management, or human resources (field notes, Kyiv, July 2010). For the labor sociologists funding is a crippling issue, especially since they cannot afford to live from the stipend they receive as PhD researchers from their university (a stipend of roughly 100 Euros a month). One of them receives a Western scholarship, and they have covered the costs of the research institute from their own money so far, but with the present lack of funds the institute has no long-term perspective (field notes, Kyiv, October 2010). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The lack of academic institutes dedicated to labor studies in Ukraine or Romania contrasts with the situation in Russia. In Moscow and other cities sociologists could establish with Western help an inter-regional labor institute – the Institute for Comparative Labor Research – leading to an increase in labor studies in Russia and in other post-Soviet countries (for an English description of the institute, see http://www.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/complabstuds/russia/general.html, last accessed 29 December 2010). The lack of similar structures in Ukraine and Romania might be part of the explanation for the lack of labor studies in the two countries, although the problem at hand is wider, since, as noted, there is also a more general lack of subaltern studies, not only of labor studies. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Third, further evidence comes from deriving an observable implication of the thesis that the weakness of labor sociology can be traced back to the societal positions of sociologists. The implication of Kutsenko’s theory is that if sociologists, by means of career and scholarship, belong to the market-oriented macro-group, then this should be reflected in their choices as to whom they prefer as an audience. Below it will be argued that their work fails to address workers and other subaltern groups as one of the only publics (together with governments) that might actually have something to gain from their work, the only publics vis-à-vis which one could argue that sociologists have relevant informational advantages. Not only do they ignore such an audience, but they – including the editor of the Ukrainian journal under study here – also present the subaltern public as potentially dangerous to the establishment of democracy and free markets. Specifically, the little interest in their work led sociologists in both Ukraine and Romania to decry their status in society. Interestingly enough, such statements of sociologists came in response to the growing debate about public sociology in the United States and elsewhere in the world. In speeches addressing their colleagues in Ukraine’s Science Academy and Romania’s Sociology Association, Petrova (2007) and Iluţ (2007) both underlined that they find it important for sociology to be public. But they decried the public’s indifference towards sociology. Petrova even went as far as to claim that sociology was far more public during Soviet times, when the state guaranteed the sociologists’ access to assemblies of workers and other citizens and also to specialized state agencies. Iluţ condemned the competition stemming from the media, which prefer to invite to talk-shows all sorts of public-appealing but ignorant guests instead of knowledgeable sociologists.In other words, according to these sociologists, the difficulty with developing a public sociology seems to lie with the public and less with sociology; but in their accounts they perceive the public only through those channels that ensure access to it – the state and media – without appearing to be able to think of a role also for themselves in reaching those publics. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Even more problematically, as Riabchuk (2009) points out, some sociologists seem to have reached conclusions fairly early in transition that disempowered or cast as outright dangerous subaltern groups like workers, at least in Ukraine. Those conclusions end up blaming the public for the failures of transition to market economy and democracy. On the one hand, we have the positions of several Ukrainian sociologists criticized in Riabchuk (2009) for ‘blaming the victims’, claiming that the poor in Ukrainian society simply do not possess the psychological mindsets to allow them to be otherwise than poor. On the other hand, Riabchuk’s observation also applies to earlier work in Ukrainian sociology, connecting the psychological mindset of parts of the population (actually of the population’s majority in those accounts) to the failure to democratize the country. Thus, key Ukrainian sociologists – among them also the editor in chief of the Ukrainian Academy’s sociology journal – formulated very critical points vis-à-vis the Ukrainian population’s capacity of sustaining democracy in the following kind of language: ‘The majority of the population belongs to the lowest social strata, and correspondingly, is not extremely interested in stability or active political participation’ (Golovakha and Panina 1996: 254; my emphasis). Similarly to some of the positions of key intellectuals behind Poland’s Solidarity (Ost 2004, or more generally intellectuals such as former dissidents throughout Central Eastern Europe, Eyal et al. 1998), and in Ukraine too, parts of academia ended up believing that the population is not truly supportive of democracy or capitalism; that it is not ‘interested’, or psychologically not fit to be interested, in a better world and is therefore longing for socialism. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Golovakha and Panina do take into account in their analysis the extreme deterioration of the population’s living standards unleashed by transition in Ukraine. The problem here is that instead of researching the concrete ways in which post-communist policies disempowered parts of the population, they posit that such deterioration combines with psychological mechanisms specific to the Soviet public that make much of the population unfit and unwelcoming of the endpoint of transition. In other words, in the account of the two authors disempowerment seems more an instance of the psychological unfitness of the population than of concrete state policies that made those people poor in the first place. This leads Golovakha and Panina to extreme conclusions: ‘One of the most important social characteristics is that psychological quality called “locus of control”’ (Rotter 1966). ‘[...] One who makes outside factors (other people, surroundings, fate, or chance) responsible demonstrates external control. Social paternalism favors externality by shifting responsibility for major decisions to governmental structures. Successful transition to a democratic society cannot happen if the psychological basis for a new society (that is, development of personal responsibility of people for one’s own fate, for social decisions, and for public acts) does not change’ (Golovakha and Panina 1996: 252). First, such a psychological basis did not prevent the mobilization surrounding the Orange Revolution from moving Ukraine closer to democracy in 2004. Second, the analysis in Golovakha and Panina (1996) actually shifts the focus of academic inquiry away from government actions that result in deterioration of living standards and disempowerment to ‘psychological’ characteristics of the victims of transition policies. It conceptualizes such psychological factors as a key obstacle to democratization, and not the politics that might have actually constrained the chances of individuals to achieve anything more than survival [7]. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Does such conceptualization of subaltern groups as intrinsically dangerous for democracy and free markets truly indicate that sociologists belong to a different macro-group than the subaltern groups? In this article I argued that this is indeed the case, and presented such conceptualizations as evidence for Kutsenko’s thesis. But it could as well be that to the extent that this conceptualization is dominant among sociologists it represents an explanation in itself. It is not that labor is absent from the work of sociologists, it is actually indirectly present as sociologists study it as a danger for the post-communist order [8]. After all, the work of Golovakha and Panina was followed by a flurry of studies dedicated to the relationship between transition and public opinion, documented by the large number of articles. However, without Kutsenko’s theory, it is not clear through which mechanisms sociologists end up sharing psychological conceptualizations of local publics as unfit for the post-communist order. It should be noted that sociologists do not develop such conceptualizations after the careful study of alternative explanations; for instance, thinking about political explanations for the publics’ lack of involvement in the democratic polity is nearly absent from the articles published in the Ukrainian and Romanian journals under study (with the notable exception of the foreign authors – Kideckel 1999; Lane 2006 – and Riabchuk 2007; Pan’kova and Ivashchenko 2006). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">One should not be astonished to find in post-communist sociology so little interest for the fate of the working class. The dramatic character of societal changes offers no guarantees that sociologists will study these changes’ most fundamental aspects. The heavy toll of the post-communist transition to capitalism on the working class failed to invite much attention from local sociologists, despite their relying on a certain tradition of work-related scholarship (in Ukraine), and despite their being confronted with a very protest-prone labor movement (in Romania). Simply because they claim to study society does not mean that sociologists are always best positioned to (want to) analyze all areas of possible societal change and especially the change around subaltern groups, the groups situated ‘under the survival threshold’ (Kutsenko, 2000a). </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Is the relationship of sociologists towards workers and other subaltern groups in Romania and Ukraine fundamentally different from the same relationship in other parts of the world? How would one distinguish between the class positions of sociologists in Ukraine or Romania and those in, say, the Netherlands or South Africa? Are sociologists in the former countries closely allied to the dominant class – or the market-oriented macro-group, to use Kutsenko’s term – and dependent on it whereas sociologists in the latter countries in a more autonomous class position? [9] In the literature on public and labor sociology, one element emphasized as present in many cases where public sociology emerged – and sociologists turned to study subaltern groups, including workers – as the presence and activism of a movement aimed to reform the academia. Such movements fought to ensure that universities’ oppose states on certain issues (the US antiwar movement in the 1960s, for example) and thus secured or strengthened autonomy from state influence. In many Western European countries, universities emerged before nation states, so the autonomy of universities was easier to secure than in Eastern Europe (by Eastern Europe I mean those countries whose territories did not fall under the control of the Habsburg Empire). In the Russian Empire the tsar had been the sole initiator of universities (see Osipian, 2008; the same applies to the rulers of the Romanian principalities). In other cases where labor sociology emerged – in South Africa, for example, see Burawoy 2009 – movements went further than securing autonomy and established departments dedicated to the study and empowerment of subaltern groups. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Romania and Ukraine remain quite different from such cases: so far, almost no social movements have tried to reform universities since the fall of communism. In Romania, the short-lived organization called the Students’ League attempted to take universities into conservative (national-Orthodox) directions, but other students resisted their – and other national-Orthodox organizations’ – attempts (Stan and Turcescu 2000). In Ukraine, recently unveiled state repression of the political activities of students (Economist, 23 May 2010) might be further isolating universities from pressures from below and strengthening the sociologists’ choice of avoiding the study of workers and other subalterns. Universities faced after communism increasingly hard budget constraints, which only increased their dependence on rich donors and students, and state subsidies from political allies. Under conditions of low rule of law, the opportunity of earning money not only from tuition fees but also from selling diplomas has strengthened the ‘market-orientation’ of universities and has reinstated somewhat differently than under communism the universities’ reliance on a state that tolerates the rule-braking behavior of university personnel (the latter comments might apply more to Ukraine, see Osipian 2008) [10]. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Conclusion </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">This article asked what sociology had to say about the working class and the post-communist deterioration of the material situation of the working class in two of Eastern Europe’s most recession-hit societies, Ukraine and Romania. The paper showed by researching three sociological journals of professional associations and Academies of Sciences that topics such as worker rights and living standards, the labor movement, and the fate and outlook of trade unions have been conspicuously absent from the works of local sociologists. The few studies published in Kyiv and Bucharest using notions such as class for other purposes than just describing income categories bear the names of Western scholars. The paper reviewed several possible explanations for why where there so few studies of labor in the two countries’ sociological literatures. The answer that the author finds most convincing relies on situating sociology in its wider national context and noting that the current generation of sociologists might have more in common with the countries’ ruling elites than with workers and other subaltern groups, and therefore might be reluctant to study workers and their life-worlds. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The author would like to thank Annette Freyberg-Inan, Michael Burawoy, and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">NOTES </span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[1] Available at http://www.isa-sociology.org/rc.htm (accessed 14 May 2010). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[2] I counted as labor or work sociology (the ‘labor’ column in Table 1 below) every study analyzing the working class (the material, political, and economic situation of workers, trade unions, and labor collective action, regardless of whether these studies use the word ‘class’ or not, and regardless of methods, although if there are any empirical studies, they all use quantitative methods). Basically, I counted as studies that have a labor-focus those studies that have ‘workers’ or ‘employees’ as their central subjects. I counted only featured articles, leaving out book reviews, interviews, articles taken over from Western sociology journals (there were some, for instance by Immanuel Wallerstein). Most of the content is freely accessible online. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[3] The name of the journal is Sotsiologiya: teoriya, metody, marketing (Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing). It can be accessed at http://www.i-soc.com.ua/journal/content.php (accessed: 14 May 2010). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[4] The names of the two journals are Revista Română de Sociologie (The Romanian Sociology Journal, RRS, http://www.revistadesociologie.ro (accessed 20 May 2010) and Sociologie Româneasca</span><span style="color: black; font-size: small;">̆</span><span style="color: black; font-size: small;"> (Romanian Sociology, SR), http://old.sociologieromaneasca.ro/ (accessed 20 May 2010). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[5] According to the latest World Social Survey data (World Values Survey Association, 2009). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[6] As to funding during transition, this became a notorious problem plaguing all areas of science. In a study from 1997, Jepherson and Egorov note that the funding of science in 1996 was ‘perhaps one twelfth of that in 1989’ (Jepherson and Egorov 1997: 321); they were also writing that ‘Many institutions, including the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, unable to pay even modest telephone bills, have begun to dismiss staff. Buildings go unheated [...] Yet another problem is that [sic] fact that in the Russian Academy of Sciences salaries consume slightly less than 50 per cent of budget, leaving modest amounts available for research, whereas in the Ukrainian academy this figure is much higher. Research per se cannot be conducted in this environment’ (Jepherson and Egorov 1997: 322). The issue is not that even the selective funding available in Soviet times disappeared – but that governments diminished it and changed the ways in which selection took place. According to Osipian (2008), state officials extended funds to those academics that were close to the groups in power, as means to control universities and not so much out of consideration for certain research areas. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[7] One does not have to look too far to find also among Romanian social scientists similar approaches to the characteristics of national publics. Again, sociologists cast the problem as one of psychology and culture, rather than of state policies and resources available to the public. What seems to be responsible for the Romanians’ unfitness for capitalism and democracy is Orthodoxy. According to an influential Romanian sociologist (a counselor of the liberal prime-minister in power in 2004-2008), Orthodoxy is known for ‘peace, inertia, all these things which are not suitable for industry, competition, technology, information, rapid change’ (interviewed in Freyberg-Inan and Cristescu 2006). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[8] I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out the possibility of ‘indirect studies of labor protests’. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[9] I thank Michael Burawoy for suggesting I deal with this question. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">[10] There are also other groups that might call for the reform of universities, intellectuals for instance. Eyal et al. (1998) have advanced the argument that at least in Central Eastern Europe intellectuals became critical of the interwar system and universities to the extent the system was no longer capable of offering them career possibilities and the sense of a ‘mission’ (Eyal, Townsley, and Szelenyi 1998, Chapter 2). This led some of them to turn left and ‘“longing for a home”, become “proletarian”’ – Eyal et al. mention the example of the Hungarian-born György Lukács as being archetypical in this respect. Yet, as Karl Polányi has described, the pendulum can swing to the right, and intellectuals in other Eastern European countries found a home in and criticized society from far-right positions, as it happened in Romania and Bulgaria in the 1930s (Şerban 2010; Daskalov 2004). </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">REFERENCES </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Freyberg-Inan, A. and Cristescu, R. (2006) The Ghosts in Our Classrooms, or John Dewey Meets Ceauşescu: The Promise and the Failures of Civic Education in Romania. Stuttgart: Ibidem. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Golovakha, Y. and Panina, N. (1996) ‘Democratization in the Ukraine under Conditions of Post-Totalitarian Anomie: The Need for a New Human Rights Developmental Strategy’, in Farnen, R.F., Dekker, H., Meyenberg, R. and German D. (eds) Democracy, Socialization, and Conflicting Loyalties East and West (pp. 242- 261). Houndmills: Macmilllan. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Keil, T. J. and Keil, J. M. (2002) ‘The State and Labor Conflict in Postrevolutionary Romania’, Radical History Review 82: 9-36. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Kideckel, D. A. (2007) ‘Post-socialist Labor Pains: Fear, Distance and Narrative in the Work Place’, in Revista Română de Sociologie 2007(1-2): no page numbers. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Kutsenko, O. (2000b) ‘Socio-Structural Consequences of Transition in Ukrainian Society’ [in Russian], Sotsiologiya: Teoriya, Metody, Marketing 2000(2): 26-32.</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Kutsenko, O. (2002) ‘The Formation of Social Classes as the Emergence of Self- </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Levinson, A. (2006) ‘Collective Anti-Collectivism’ [in Russian], Neprikosnovennyi Zapas 45: 34-39. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Riabchuk, A. (2009) ‘The Implications of Adaptation Discourse for Post-communist Working Classes’, Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 17(1): 55-64. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Round, J. and Rodgers, P. (2009) ‘The Problems of Corruption in Post-Soviet Ukraine’s Higher Education Sector’, International Journal of Sociology 39(2): 80-95. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Shcherbak, M. (2006) ‘Social and Class Characteristics of Political Culture in Ukraine’ [in Russian], Sotsiologiya: Teoriya, Metody, Marketing 2006(3): 153-160. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Şerban, S. (2010) ‘Politica împotriva utopiei. Intelectualii şi puterea în istoria modernizării României’ [in Romanian], in Matei, Sorin Adam/ Momescu, Mona (eds.): Idolii forului, Bucharest, Corint: 129-145. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Simonchuk, E. (2005) ‘The Working Class in Ukraine: Chronicle of Losses’ [in Russian], Sotsiologiya: Teoriya, Metody, Marketing 2005(4): 5-25. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Simonchuk, E. (2006) ‘The Working Class in Ukraine: Trends of a Recomposing Structure’ [in Russian], Sotsiologiya: Teoriya, Metody, Marketing 2006(2): 38-65. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">Varga, M. (2011) Striking with Tied Hands. Strategies of Labor Interest Representation in Post-Communist Ukraine and Romania, dissertation manuscript, Amsterdam. </span> </div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">World Values Survey Association (2009) World Values Survey 1981-2008 Official Aggregate v.20090901. Madrid: ASEP/JDS. </span> </div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="color: black;">This article was published in Global Labor Journal, Vol.2, Issue 1, 2011, p.43-63.</span></i></span></div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-49759424948236490852011-10-16T10:43:00.000-07:002011-10-17T02:14:57.707-07:00“Мені якось образливо, що я з вищою освітою працюю офіціанткою...”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Розповідь молодої офіціантки у кафе про свої умови праці, записана студенткою соціології НаУКМА Анною Коробчук. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.<a name='more'></a><br />Я працюю офіціанткою у невеличкому кафе. Нещодавно закінчила навчання. Вийшла заміж. За освітою я вчителька, маю диплом педагогічного університету за спеціальністю історія та право. Але так вийшло, що я не працюю за професією… Це тому, що я коли була на останньому курсі, то пішла на підробіток у це кафе. А коли закінчила навчання, то вирішила поки що тут і залишитися. Тут я заробляю більше грошей, ніж якби пішла працювати за спеціальністю. Там дуже маленька заробітна платня. Вона не коштує тих зусиль і тих нервів, які витрачаєш на цю роботу. Я просто проходила практику, коли навчалася, і це дійсно дуже важко. А держава не цінує цю професію і гроші мізерні.<br /><br />Це моя рожева мрія — працювати вчителькою. Звичайно, якби моя праця оплачувалася належним чином, то я б працювала із задоволенням. Мені дуже шкода потрачених років на навчання. Я навчалася і тепер працюю зовсім у іншій сфері. Але я не настільки віддана своїй професії, щоб працювати за маленькі гроші.<br /><br />У кафе моя робота полягає в тому, що я там не лише офіціантка, а як і бармен, тобто постійно стою за барною стійкою. Якщо чесно, то це дуже важко, особливо влітку, тому що поряд з баром різноманітні холодильники, кавова машина. Від них дуже жарко і через це влітку там просто жахливо. Є кондиціонер, але мій хазяїн пожлобився купити нормальний. Він такий, що треба до нього підходити, до того кондиціонера, і стояти біля нього, щоб стало легше. Так дуже легко застудитися. Я так і застудилася минулого літа дуже сильно через цей кондиціонер, але було неможливо до нього не підходити, оскільки дуже душно, дуже жарко. В принципі, в інші пори року нормально, а от влітку жахливо.<br /><br />Я виходжу на одинадцяту ранку і працюю до десятої вечора, але інколи хазяїн просить на годину довше лишитися. А от коли футбол, то приходять багато чоловіків дивитися. В нас плазма висить і тоді це може затягнутися навіть до першої години ночі. А в мене є ставка за вихід і процент від виручки. І мені вигідно пропрацювати довше, коли футбол, оскільки дуже велика каса. Тому що чоловіки п’ють дуже багато пива, коли дивляться футбол. Грошей доволі багато і ще чайові чоловіки залишають щедрі, тому в принципі нормально.<br /><br />Обідньої перерви як такої в мене теж немає, оскільки в обід саме особливий наплив людей. Коли встигну вискочити купити щось поїсти, то нормально. Ні, так ні. Хазяїн дозволяє мені дещо принести з собою і там щось взяти, якщо хочеться. В принципі я можу пити воду там. Але це не нормальне харчування, я вважаю.<br /><br />Коли я працюю свою зміну, то я там одна. У мене є напарник, який працює в іншу зміну. Але приїжджає хазяїн і часто мені допомагає. Якщо я працюю допізна, до першої години ночі, то звісно він відвозить мене на машині своїй. Якщо до одинадцятої, то я добираюся сама. Мені на одинадцяту ранку на роботу і це нормально, але коли, вибачте, я повертаюся після футболу о першій ночі, то я не дуже висипаюся. Тому можу запізнитися. Мене особисто хазяїн за це ніколи не карав, але в нього є ще пару точок і я знайома з людьми, які там працюють. Вони розповідали, що їх карав за запізнення.<br /><br />Шеф взагалі до мене добре ставиться. Минулого літа, як я якраз влаштувалася на цю роботу і пропрацювала десь місяць, я попросила у нього відпустку. Шеф мене відпустив, нормально. В цей час за мене працював мій напарник. Йому якраз тоді потрібні були гроші, він теж хотів кудись поїхати. Потім, коли я повернулася, поїхав він і я працювала тиждень без вихідних. Це звичайно було дуже важко, але гроші не завадять. Це було заздалегідь обговорено і я запланувала так, що буду тиждень працювати без вихідних.<br /><br />Я працюю в тому одязі, в якому мені подобається. Я люблю відвертий одяг. Він приваблює клієнтів, тому мій хазяїн теж не проти. Коли футбол, я ніколи не залишаюся одна, тоді шеф присилає адміністратора і він зі мною, теж дивиться футбол. З ним мені не страшно. Але адміністратора він насправді почав присилати лише після того, як декілька раз були екстренні випадки. Після того, як я зачиняла кафе, мене одного разу ледве не пограбували. Я саме несла виручку за тиждень і підійшла банда молодих хлопців. З того часу, коли ми працювали допізна, зі мною завжди хтось був: адміністратор чи шеф.<br /><br />З моїм напарником ми працюємо два через два, тобто двоє діб я, двоє він. Але якщо він за мене попрацював, то іноді я відпрацьовую за нього, іноді ні. Це залежить від ситуації. Якщо йому потрібні гроші, а я не можу відпрацювати, тоді ні. Хазяїн нормально до цього відноситься. Йому все одно, аби хтось працював. Напарник мій хлопець доволі гарний, добрий. Ми з ним нормально спілкуємось. Він мене не раз виручав, якщо в мене були непередбачувані обставини. Але якщо він теж не може, тоді я ж розумію і я маю йому допомогти.<br /><br />На Новий рік ми не працювали, а перед Новим роком була якраз моя зміна і тут була певна проблема. Мені було не дуже зручно, треба було і продукти купити, і поприбирати, але я все ж таки нічого не сказала шефу, вирішила цього не робити. На Різдво, просто була не моя зміна, я не знаю, як напарник вирішував це питання. Чомусь не поцікавилась. На 9 травня ми працювали, людей взагалі не було. Я сказала хазяїну про це, він мене відпустив трішки раніше. Але можна було взагалі не виходити. Це йому звичайно не дуже сподобалось. Він вважає, що якщо можна заробити, то потрібно заробляти. Але чи був у цьому сенс, адже було мало людей. Але ставку заплатив повністю.<br /><br />З начальником стосунки дуже часто переходять у неформальні. Він декілька разів запрошував мене на побачення, але я відмовлялась, бо я заміжня жінка. Декілька раз це ледве не призвело до звільнення, але потім він схаменувся і зрозумів, що я до нього відношусь нормально як до шефа. Просто у нас можуть бути лише офіційні стосунки. Але він симпатичний. Хоча мій чоловік кращий.<br /><br />Я працюю неофіційно, тому в мене немає ні соціальних гарантій, ні страхування, нічого подібного. Ці питання навіть не підіймалися. Мені дуже потрібна була робота і мені було все одно, чи будуть мене оформлювати, чи ні. А зараз не доходять руки до цього, щоб це обговорити. Тоді про все домовились в усній формі, все на словах. Але шеф нормально до мене ставиться і проблем не виникало. Кожен день він нараховує мені заробітню платню. В принципі мені все подобається, єдине що – це кондиціонер. Я вже йому про це говорила. Він сказав, що відремонтує інший, але ще цього не зробив до цих пір. А я боюсь нагадувати.<br /><br />Я поки що не планую дітей, матеріального забезпечення ще нема. Але якби я зараз попросила декретну відпустку, то навряд чи я б вийшла з неї, він мене назад не взяв би. За цей період він знайде нову людину і йому це буде невигідно. Пару разів він також натякав на те, що хоче закриватися у недалеко майбутньому. Точно ще не говорив, поки що я працюю. Я думаю, що він закриється. Податки дуже великі. Хоча в нас дуже гарний приплив людей: в обід приходять і ввечері посидіти, випити.<br /><br />Ви знаєте, коли я йшла на цю роботу, я думала, що я не зможу там працювати, що це не для мене. Але так вийшло, що там досить таки гарна атмосфера, весела. Є постійні клієнти, які постійно приходять. Там приємно працювати. Звичайно люди бувають різні, але більшість дуже непогані. Правда, деякі клієнти, особливо у стані алкогольного сп’яніння, давали зрозуміти, що я тут лише офіціантка, прислуга, яка повинна виконувати усі їхні забаганки. Але я одразу ставила їх на місце!<br /><br />Умови праці загалом непогані, за виключенням кондиціонеру звичайно. І ставлення хазяїна нормальне, атмосфера непогана, але … я не мріяла з дитинства бути офіціанткою. Якби я була людиною без освіти, то дала б дев'яносто зі ста такій роботі. Якби я не навчалася, пішла би після школи туди працювати, то це, як на мене, прекрасна робота. Але, з огляду на те, що я навчалася в університеті, що в мене вища освіта, то тут буде відсотків 40, якщо не 30. Мені якось образливо, що я з вищою освітою працюю офіціанткою, у сфері обслуговування. Я не на це очікувала і дуже жаль років, які я витратила на навчання.<br /><br />Ті ж соціальні гарантії. Не подобається те, що в мене їх немає: страховки, такого всього. Також непостійність роботи не подобається – вона сьогодні є, а завтра її немає. Я не знаю, що буде завтра, я як на пороховій бочці. Щось пробувати міняти? Участь у страйках чи акціях протесту? Ні, це не для мене, я таким не займалася. Розумієте, я боюся. Він може просто знайти людину, яку це влаштує. Я ціную цю роботу в тому плані, що якщо я залишуся без неї, то залишуся без засобів існування. Тому в мене немає іншого вибору. Я б звичайно хотіла і якісь гарантії мати, що мене завтра не звільнять. Але я просто боюсь, що…<br /><br />Взагалі, це не те, про що я мріяла. Там звісно непогано, гроші є, але я не дуже б хотіла все життя провести тут. Моє майбутнє не дуже чітке і я просто не знаю, що мені робити, якщо я зараз залишусь без роботи. Я живу сьогоднішнім днем. Єдина моя надія - це на мого чоловіка, що він підійметься по кар’єрних сходах і зможе краще нас забезпечувати. Я б пішла далі навчатися. Можливо пізніше це і вийде. Я б не хотіла сидіти вдома, не хочу бути домогосподаркою. Але б не працювала повний робочий день. Брала б собі декілька уроків на тиждень, щоб не сидіти вдома, щоб реалізувати себе, мати спілкування поза домом. Зараз у нас сімейний бюджет комплексний і мій дохід є вагомим, тому я і працюю офіціанткою. Якби мій чоловік заробляв більше, я б звичайно не працювала ТУТ.</div>
</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-25027875559582417912011-10-16T08:38:00.000-07:002011-10-16T09:29:48.863-07:00Політика житлового будівництва в пострадянській Україні<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPnN1Kjb_3buEeGT-DrffuoJ8fsjRDozdZRCFwpmgX0aDJ5z5ykCRWDn_0hYrcySz_eyaxqntKW_5F1AuK4iTWr5trdS2YAvZOQNXMKsb6LzorxiY97uQ_5wlcsZabgYJ6QIcl3in3J-dK/s1600/postsoviet+housing1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" border="0" height="150" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5664119148978356898" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPnN1Kjb_3buEeGT-DrffuoJ8fsjRDozdZRCFwpmgX0aDJ5z5ykCRWDn_0hYrcySz_eyaxqntKW_5F1AuK4iTWr5trdS2YAvZOQNXMKsb6LzorxiY97uQ_5wlcsZabgYJ6QIcl3in3J-dK/s200/postsoviet+housing1.jpg" style="float: left; height: 150px; margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; width: 150px;" width="150" /></a><span style="font-family: Arial;">Для вирішення житлового кризи недостатньо тільки збільшення державної ролі врегулюванні житлового ринку і будівництві житла. Необхідна системна альтернатива неолібералізму, яка відмовилася б від пріоритету показників прибутковості на користь задоволення суспільних потреб. В якості першочергових заходів щодо забезпечення населення доступним житлом необхідно перейти до широкого розгортання державних програм житлового будівництва. Це з необхідністю вимагатиме таких заходів як націоналізація найбільших компаній будівельної галузі та банківської системи в цілому. </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><a name='more'></a><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Політика житлового будівництва в пострадянській Україні</span></b><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Віталій Атанасов</span></i><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">В Україні реставрацію капіталізму супроводжували реформи, загальний напрямок яких визначав глобальний неоліберальний порядок денний [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a1">1</a>]. Характеризуючи неолібералізм як політекономічну теорію, висновки якої стали широко застосовувати на практиці, Девід Гарві зазначає:</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Згідно з цією теорією, індивід може досягти благополуччя, застосовуючи свої підприємницькі здібності в умовах вільного ринку, хоча і в певних інституційних межах – жорсткого, непорушного права власності, вільного ринку та вільної торгівлі. Відтак роль держави зведено до створення та збереження цих інституційних структур. Держава покликана гарантувати, наприклад, надійність і цілісність грошей. Вона повинна утримувати армію і поліцію, а також гарантувати оборонний потенціал країни. Держава повинна сформувати законодавчі структури і виконувати всі функції, необхідні для захисту сакральних прав приватної власності, гарантувати їх дотримання, якщо треба – то й силоміць , – а також забезпечувати «правильну» роботу ринків. Більше того, якщо раніше ринків не існувало (наприклад, у таких сферах/галузях, як використання водних і земельних ресурсів, освіта, охорона здоров’я, соціальне забезпечення і навколишнє середовище), то держава повинна їх створити, зокрема шляхом реальних дій уряду. Але держава не може при цьому ризикувати. Державне втручання в роботу ринків (після їх створення), згідно з теорією, має обмежуватися необхідним мінімумом [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a2">2</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">У пострадянській Україні ці теоретичні принципи було втілено в життя, і сфера будівництва житла – не виняток. Практику забезпечення громадян житлом державним коштом фактично було призупинено, квартири стали особистою власністю громадян, більшість будівельних підприємств приватизовано, а компанії житлово-комунальної сфери переведено на ринкові рейки. Так було створено ринок житлової нерухомості.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">У радянський період держава, як правило, забезпечувала громадян безкоштовним житлом, особливо тих, хто його конче потребував. Хоча найчастіше квартиру доводилося чекати по 10 і 20 років, але рано чи пізно сім’я могла вселитися в окрему квартиру. З 1981 по 1990 рік в Україні було збудовано 200 млн. кв. м житла. З них на поворотний 1990 рік припало 17,45 млн. кв. м. [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a3">3</a>], і на одного мешканця припадало 17,8 кв. м. житлової площі.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Колапс Радянського Союзу і дезінтеграція союзної економіки призвели до різкого спаду в житловому будівництві. З 1990 по 1995 рік обсяги будівництва скоротилися більше ніж у два рази, і падіння показників тривало аж до 2000 року, коли відновилося зростання економіки. Разом з цим почалися зрушення в житлово-будівельній галузі. У 2007 році, після восьми років зростання ВВП та обсягів житлового будівництва, було побудовано 10,24 млн. кв. м. житла. Хоча обсяги будівництва житла так і не досягли показників, характерних для економіки УРСР [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a4">4</a>], офіційна статистика вказує на поліпшення рівня забезпечення українських громадян житловою площею до 22,2 кв.м. у 2006 році. Це на 25% більше, ніж у 1990 році. Втім, це в кілька разів менше, ніж у західноєвропейських країнах [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a5">5</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Приріст показників забезпечення житловою площею на одного мешканця відбувся значною мірою завдяки скороченню населення країни. З 1990 по 2006 роки міське населення скоротилося більш як на 3 млн. чоловік (-8%) [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a6">6</a>]. Водночас житловий фонд збільшився на 124 млн. кв.м. (+13%) [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a7">7</a>]. Близько третини всього обсягу будівництва в Україні з 2000 по 2008 роки припадало на Київ. Припустімо, що непропорційна питома вага столиці в частці обсягів житлового будівництва була наслідком особливостей міграції в 2000 роки. Ситуація характеризувалася припливом населення, як правило, з депресивних регіонів, сільської місцевості та невеликих населених пунктів, у великі міста, обласні центри і, перш за все, у столицю.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Формальне право на безоплатне надання житла державою зберігається в Україні до сьогодні. У самому лише Києві черга на надання житла за станом на 2008 рік налічувала від 117 тис. сімей, по всій країні – 1,4 млн. сімей [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a8">8</a>]. За офіційними даними (проте, досить сумнівними), у 2003, 2004, 2005 роках квартири від держави отримували по 25 тис. сімей [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a9">9</a>]. Якщо просуватися у такому темпі, то житлову чергу буде ліквідовано тільки за 55 років за умови, що вона не буде поповнюватися новими людьми.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Правдивість офіційних даних, згідно з якими, наприклад, у 2005 році третина побудованих в країні квартир безкоштовно надавалася тим, хто стояв на квартирній черзі, викликає серйозні сумніви. Адже згідно з чинними нормами, будівельні компанії передають міській владі не більше 10% нового житла (в деяких містах не більше 5-7%). Тож статистика зданого в експлуатацію житла в співвідношенні із житлом, наданим черговикам, не витримує жодної критики [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a10">10</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">На відміну від радянського періоду, левову частку житла, збудованого в роки незалежності, розподіляли за ринковими механізмами – шляхом купівлі-продажу на ринку нерухомості. До початку будівельного буму 2000-х років ринок житлового будівництва майже повністю перебував під контролем приватних компаній [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a11">11</a>]. Номінально деякі з них лишалися у державній та комунальній власності, однак практично/фактично вони діяли в інтересах топ-менеджменту, державних чиновників і пов’язаних з ними бізнес-структур. Це зумовило орієнтацію на ринкові механізми отримання прибутку. Рентабельність будівельного бізнесу в 2006-2008 роках оцінювали в 40-300% [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a12">12</a>]. У країнах Євросоюзу прийнятною вважається значно нижча рентабельність.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Банківська система надавала фінансування будівельної галузі, залучаючи значні ресурси зі світових ринків капіталу. Найбільші компанії забезпечували приплив інвестицій, розміщуючи акції на європейських фондових біржах. Банки зіграли важливу роль у створенні попиту на житлову нерухомість. До кризи 2008 року в кредит купували близько 70% будинків і квартир. Таким чином, банківське кредитування дозволяло штучно підтримувати як збільшення платоспроможного попиту, так і зростання пропозиції на ринку нового житла. Надлишок капіталу і його низька ціна в цей міжкризовий період дозволяли фінансовим установам ефективно виконувати функцію посередників між зовнішнім і внутрішнім ринками кредитних ресурсів.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Як і в багатьох інших країнах (зокрема пострадянських), приплив капіталів з країн Центру призвів до перегріву ринку нерухомості й створення спекулятивної «бульбашки». Постійне випереджальне зростання цін на житлову нерухомість зробило її привабливою для інвестування і дозволило використовувати її як заставу в іпотеці. На час буму розширився спектр фінансових інструментів, які використовують для залучення фінансів зі світових ринків. Потік капіталу ще більше розігрівав внутрішній ринок. Протягом декількох років всупереч раціональним аргументам зацікавлені суб’єкти були переконані, що зростання цін буде тривати нескінченно.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">«У найближчі 5-7 років не передбачено жодного падіння цін на нерухомість. (…) Я раджу купувати, і якомога більше. Це дуже ліквідне, вдале капітало- вкладення. Зростання цін на житло в найближчі 5-7 років буде більшим, ніж банківські відсотки. (…) Це обумовлено величезним попитом, що існує на сто- личному ринку житла. По суті, якісне житло в столиці – дефіцит. А методи подолання дефіциту виробле- но вже давно. Треба більше будувати – тоді й ціни будуть менші», – стверджував на початку 2007 року співвласник великої будівельної компанії «XXI Століття» Лев Парцхаладзе [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a13">13</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Але ціни продовжували зростати, і житло ставало все менш доступним. Під час буму на ринку нерухомості приблизно 50% попиту на нові квартири забезпечували спекулянти, які купували житло для подальшого перепродажу, сподіваючись на подальше зростання цін. Будівельні компанії декларували свою орієнтацію на будівництво дорогого житла для заможних покупців. Вважалося, що це забезпечує більш високу прибутковість бізнесу. Слід зазначити, що близько 60% новозбудованого житла належало до класу дорогого, тоді як сегмент «економного» становив не більше 40% пропозиції. Обсяг економпропозицій був катастрофічно занижений, а більш дорогих класів, відповідно, завищений. Такі пропорції виглядали б досить незвично навіть для набагато більш заможної країни, ніж Україна. «Більше половини об’єктів, які будують у Києві, – це елітне житло і житло бізнес-класу. Київ – місто для багатих. Тому сім’ям із середнім достатком квартир катастрофічно не вистачає», – констатували аналітики [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a14">14</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Компанії-забудовники монопольно контролювали ринок, відмовляючись від масового будівництва житла економ-класу та віддаючи перевагу квартирам у ціновій категорії «вище середнього». Саме вони створили ситуацію штучного дефіциту житла нижнього цінового сегмента – це також підганяло зростання цін, які досягли захмарних висот.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Більшість тих, хто потребували житла, не мав можливостей його придбати. За розрахунками аналітиків інвестиційних компаній, при середній ціні житла в Києві від $ 3000/кв. м. до $ 3500/кв. м. для придбання квартири площею 80 кв. м. у кредит на 25 років з відсотковою ставкою 10% і нульовим внеском місячний дохід сім’ї має становити не менше $ 4900, з урахуванням того, що 45% доходу сім’ї припадає на виплату кредиту.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">«За таких самих умов і ціною $ 3000/кв. м. сім’я з доходом $ 1500 на місяць може придбати лише 18 кв. м.», – зазначав у серпні 2008 року аналітик авторитетної інвестиційної компанії [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a15">15</a>]. Але навіть таке дороге придбання не могло забезпечити сім’ю з трьох членів мінімально необхідною житловою площею. У таких умовах забезпечити себе власним житлом могли тільки заможні родини з прибутком значно вище середнього.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Коментатори та експерти з «ділових» періодичних видань позв’язували дефіцит житла і його високу вартість з непрозорістю й корупцією на будівельному ринку, що ускладнює роботу інвесторів. «Ринок непрозорий, забюрократизований, корумпований», – твердив екс-міністр фінансів Юшко [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a16">16</a>]. Собівартість будівництва квадратного метра житла включала не тільки витрати на будівельні матеріали, робочу силу, підготовку дозвільної та проектної документації. Як стверджувалося, значна частка витрат (за різними оцінками до 50% в кінцевій собівартості) припадала на корупційні витрати – хабарі чиновникам, відповідальним за видачу різної дозвільної документації.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Нове житло не рідко має низьку якість. Проблеми з якістю були зумовлені, як правило, гонитвою забудовників за прибутком. «Якість будинку безпосередньо пов’язана з його ціною. Забудовник хоче отримати максимальні прибутки з будь-якого об’єкта», – пояснив логіку будівельного бізнесу топ-менеджер однієї з будівельної компаній [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a17">17</a>]. Дефіцит житла і високий спекулятивний попит давали змогу забудовникам продавати за завищеною вартістю житло практично будь-якої якості.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Заощаджувати на ремонті забудовники почали наприкінці 90-х років, після того як їм дозволили здавати житлові об’єкти без завершального внутрішнього оздоблення. З часом це явище набуло масового характеру. Щороку в Києві здавалося в експлуатацію 1,0-1,1 млн. кв. м житла, і лише 10% з них із внутрішнім оздобленням [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a18">18</a>]. Забудовники включали в текст інвестиційного договору пункт, у якому йдеться про те, що покупець квартири відмовляється від оздоблювальних робіт. Будинок офіційно здавали в експлуатацію, а мешканці або нові власники ще протягом року власними силами здійснювали оздоблювальні роботи. Це, у свою чергу, становило загрозу безпеці будівлі, оскільки під час самодіяльного ремонту може бути заблоковано вентиляційні канали, пошкоджено несучі конструкції. До того ж мешканці новобудови ще по кілька років живуть на перманентному будівництві під шум перфораторів.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Держава могла б вплинути на якість первинного житла. Але навіть самі забудовники не приховують, що чиновники залучені до корупційних схем і готові закривати очі на будь-які недоліки будинку, підготовленого до здачі в експлуатацію. До економічної кризи 2008 року держава фактично самоусунулася не тільки від контролю якості, але й від регулювання ринку нерухомості в цілому [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a19">19</a>]. Так, Антимонопольний комітет України (АМКУ) обмежувався у своїй діяльності виявом «здивування» у зв’язку зі збереженням високих цін на житло. «Антимонопольний комітет України здивований збереженням високих цін на житло», – заявляв наприкінці 2008 року в.о. голови АМКУ. Чиновник стверджував, що хоча пропозиція перевищує попит на ринку нерухомості, ціни на житло залишаються високими. Але ні до, ні після того антимонопольне відомство не вжило жодних дієвих заходів задля зміни становища.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Світова економічна криза 2008 року кардинально змінила ситуацію на українському ринку житла. Механізми, які попередні роки забезпечували українським забудовникам реалізацію проектів, почали давати збій. Звична схема фінансування будівельних робіт за рахунок продажів майбутнього житла кінцевим споживачам зазнала фіаско через падіння попиту [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a20">20</a>]. Зіткнувшись з різкою зміною ситуації на світових ринках капіталу, банки припинили видавати іпотечні кредити, а також майже повністю призупинили фінансування житлового будівництва в Україні.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Іпотечні кредити стали недоступними значній кількості потенційних покупців. Ті, хто раніше міг розраховувати на швидке позитивне рішення банку-надавача іпотеки, отримували відмову. Але навіть потенційних покупців, що здатні підтвердити свою благонадійність фінансовій установі, зупиняють високі процентні ставки. Зниження платоспроможності населення в умовах згортання іпотечного кредитування й на тлі зростаючої інфляції призвело до значного скорочення попиту на житлову нерухомість – передусім у економ-класі. Це явище, разом зі стрімким зростанням цін на будівельні матеріали і роботи, призвело до погіршення фінансового становища більшості будівельних компаній і сфери нерухомості [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a21">21</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Починаючи з 2005 року, завдяки 30-40% зростання вартості житлової нерухомості на рік, цей ри- нок був цікавий для іноземних компаній і спекулятивного капіталу. Капітал, який протягом декількох років розігрівав первинний ринок житла, перейшов в інші сегменти чи залишив країну у пошуках менш ризикованих вкладень. Забудовники, які ще недавно без особливих зусиль самостійно розпродавали квадратні метри, опинилися в досить скрутному становищі. У період 2007-2008 років на первинному ринку житлової нерухомості відбувалося чимале зниження темпів продажів [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a22">22</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Вже у вересні 2008 року остаточно завершився період феноменального зростання цін на житло і надприбутків у сфері житлової нерухомості. Спекулятивна бульбашка на ринку української нерухомості лопнула. Динаміка подорожчання квартир на первинному ринку знизилася нижче рівня інфляції. З 2008 по 2010 роки ціни на вторинний квадратний метр в Києві у середньому знизилися на 51%. У регіонах спостерігалося ще більше падіння: 54% – у Харкові, Дніпропетровську та Донецьку і 53% – у Львові та Одесі. Настільки відчутно ціни знизилися лише в доларах, в національній валюті вони зменшилися всього на 14-15%.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Станом на весну 2010 року ціни на житло в Києві були як і раніше вищими, ніж у багатьох європейських містах. Наприклад, за $51 тис. (стільки коштує одна з найдешевших київських квартир у спальному районі Борщагівці) можна придбати однокімнатну економ-квартиру зі свіжим ремонтом у центрі Берліна. «Такі високі ціни в Україні пов’язані з економічним зростанням 2007-2008 років, – пояснив Олексій Зеркалов, віце-президент інвестиційно-банківського напрямку компанії Dragon Capital. – Тоді вартість нерухомості підскочила значною мірою з вини банків, які всіма силами нарощували обсяг іпотеки. Саме фінустанови програють, якщо житло знеціниться». Ще один фактор, який стримує зниження цін, – це закритість інформації. Міністерство юстиції озвучує дані по операціях лише раз на рік. Ріелтори воліють засекречувати відомості про продажі та реальні ціни. Коли їм вигідно, вони лякають ринок або намагаються його розігріти [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a23">23</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Як вже зазначалося, до кризи підприємці сфери будівництва і нерухомості стверджували, що ціни на нерухомість будуть рости невизначено довго. Ледь не збанкрутувавши в 2009 році, багато бізнесменів в цій галузі перетворилися на ентузіастів державного втручання в житлову будівельну політику. Наприклад Парцхаладзе, що є головою асоціації компаній будівельної сфери, виступає за бюджетне фінансування будівництва доступного житла, і стверджує, що саме програми доступного житла та звільнення від податків будівельних робіт при спорудженні житла, призведуть до значного зниження цін [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a24">24</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Падіння українського ринку нерухомості поставило компанії цієї галузі перед загрозою банкрутства. Для багатьох з них державна підтримка – єдина можливість врятувати бізнес і зберегти прибутки. Звісно, під час спекулятивного буму на ринку нерухомості будь-який натяк на державне регулювання ними геть відхилявся.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Будівництво «доступного житла» несподівано перетворилося, принаймні на рівні риторики, мало не в головний пріоритет діяльності будівельних корпорацій. Уряд з готовністю пішов на зустріч побажанням приватного бізнесу, доручивши в 2010 році місцевим властям безкоштовно виділити по десять ділянок землі в кожній області компаніям, які будуть використані у зведенні «доступного житла». Із залученням приватних компаній до 2017 року уряд обіцяє побудувати 16 млн. кв. м. житла. Ці плани не можна назвати масштабними: навіть у період кризи 90-х років в України не будувалося менше 6 млн. кв. м на рік. Проте навіть таке помірне втручання держави, за прогнозами уряду, має призвести до істотного зниження цін. Як стверджують у міністерстві регіонального розвитку та будівництва в Києві вартість житла, зведеного в рамках згаданих програм, не перевищить 4 тис. грн. за кв. м. Це удвічі нижче за ринкові розцінки 2009 року [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a25">25</a>].</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Хоча надання допомоги приватному бізнесу з боку держави суперечить неоліберальній доктрині, її прихильники вимагають, щоб під час кризи держава рятувала приватні компанії за рахунок населення. Так трапилося в США й Великобританії, уряди яких виділили безпрецедентну за обсягами допомогу приватним фінансовим установам і корпораціям виробничого сектора. Однак, як показує Гарві, тимчасове вирішення проблем приватного бізнесу таким методом призводить до переміщення проблем у сферу державних фінансів [<a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/10731#a26">26</a>]. У свою чергу, намагаючись боротися з дефіцитом держбюджету шляхом економії, перш за все шляхом урізання соціальних витрат, уряд стабілізує безробіття на високому рівні. Крім того, дефіцит бюджету України значною мірою також фінансується за рахунок нарощування державного боргу, внутрішнього і зовнішнього. Тягар державного боргу також лягає, перш за все, на населення.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Таким чином, для вирішення житлового кризи недостатньо тільки збільшення державної ролі врегулюванні житлового ринку і будівництві житла. Необхідна системна альтернатива неолібералізму, яка відмовилася б від пріоритету показників прибутковості на користь задоволення суспільних потреб. В якості першочергових заходів щодо забезпечення населення доступним житлом необхідно перейти до широкого розгортання державних програм житлового будівництва. Зростання обсягів будівництва житла дозволить створити великий державний і муніципальний житлові фонди, довгострокова оренда житла в яких повинна бути доступна всім, хто цього потребує. Необхідні також довгострокові (20-30 років) програми житлового кредитування за низькими ставками (0,5-1% річних), а також встановлення максимуму розцінок на оренду житла і ставок іпотечного кредитування. Це з необхідністю вимагатиме таких заходів як націоналізація найбільших компаній будівельної галузі та банківської системи в цілому. Реалізувати це на практиці може тільки масовий рух, рух, який зуміє домогтися радикальної перебудови суспільства на соціалістичних засадах.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Примітки</span></b><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[1] Харви, Д. Краткая история неолиберализма.- Москва: Поколение, 2007. – С. 10-11.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[2] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[3] Синицина, Е. Строительная отрасль. [online] Доступ 20.10.2008 за адресою <a href="http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.%20html?DocID=1044657&IssueId=47035">http://www.kommersant.ua/doc. html?DocID=1044657&IssueId=47035</a></span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[4] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[5]Стройпат. [online] Доступ 16.09.2008 за адресою <a href="http://www.kommersant.ua/application.html?Do%20cID=1026624&IssueId=49583"><span lang="EN-GB">http://www.kommersant.ua/application.html?Do cID=1026624&IssueId=49583</span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[6] Держкомстат, 2010.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[7] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[8] Деметер,Є. Найдовша черга. Ріо. [online] До- ступ 10.09.2010 за адресою <a href="http://rionews.com.ua/%20newspaper/all/now/n10252114614"><span lang="EN-GB">http://rionews.com.ua/ newspaper/all/now/n10252114614</span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[9] </span><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Там</span><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">само</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[10] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[11] Синицина, Е. Строительная отрасль. [online] Доступ 20.10.2008 за адресою <a href="http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.%20html?DocID=1044657&IssueId=47035">http://www.kommersant.ua/doc. html?DocID=1044657&IssueId=47035</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[12] В Антимонопольном комитете не понимают, почему жилье не дешевеет. [online] Доступ 23.10.08 за адресою <a href="http://focus.ua/economy/28351">http://focus.ua/economy/28351</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[13] В подорожании жилья виновен иностранный капитал. [online] Доступ 22.12.07 за адресою <a href="http://focus.ua/economy/14826">http://focus.ua/economy/14826</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[14] В погоне за прибылью застройщики экономят на отделке новых квартир и инфраструктуре домов. [online] Доступ 21.05.08 за адресою .</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[15]. Комментарий аналитика ИК Dragon Capital Алексея Зеркалова. [online] Доступ 05.08.2008 за адресою <a href="http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.html?DocID%20=1008145&IssueId=46981">http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.html?DocID =1008145&IssueId=46981</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[16] Строитель XXI века. Председатель совета директоров инвестиционно-проектной компании «XXI век» Лев Парцхаладзе прогнозирует рост цен на жильё ещё как минимум в течение 5-7 лет. [online] Доступ 15.02.07 за адресою <a href="http://focus.ua/tema/738">http://focus.ua/tema/738</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[17] Украине грозит спад производства, снижение прибыли компаний и рост безработицы. [online] Доступ 08.09.08 за адресою <a href="http://focus.ua/economy/25678">http://focus.ua/economy/25678</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[18] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[19] В погоне за прибылью застройщики экономят на отделке новых квартир и инфраструктуре домов. [online] Доступ 21.05.08 за адресою .</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[20] Комментарий аналитика ИК Dragon Capital Алексея Зеркалова. [online] Доступ 05.08.2008 за адресою <a href="http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.html?DocID%20=1008145&IssueId=46981">http://www.kommersant.ua/doc.html?DocID =1008145&IssueId=46981</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[21] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[22] Там само.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[23] Шаповал К. Квадратный ответ. Когда выгодно поку- пать жилье. Фокус. [online] Доступ 17.03.10 за адресою <a href="http://focus.ua/economy/105699">http://focus.ua/economy/105699</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[24] Парцхаладзе знает, когда лопнет мыльный пузырь недвижимости. [online] Доступ 16.06.2010 за адресою <a href="http://realt.ua/Statti/0_Index.%20php?idn=59040&idr=1">http://realt.ua/Statti/0_Index. php?idn=59040&idr=1</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[25] Квартирный ответ. [online] Доступ 21.08.2010 за адресою .</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">[26] Гарві, Д. Пояснюючи кризу. Інтерв’ю. Спільне. [online] Доступ 06.10.2010 за адресою <a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/8959">http://commons.com.ua/archives/8959</a>.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 12.25pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;">Джерело:</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial;"> <a href="http://commons.com.ua/archives/9306">Спільне: журнал соціальної критики. – 2010. – №2.</a> – С. 66-70.</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-47795039867075303652011-10-14T02:26:00.000-07:002011-10-14T06:23:54.551-07:00Ukrainian domestic workers in Poland<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsaah2jw9LtSmoj4ylHpCkdSrv46naCvYSsvvEMzfg1NLAJCOm0Lj0AvqI9VCnEl_jx42AV7It9cl8MIMMZFfpD3rcHMbmOFL3FiwxB2T2ADJxf1BV6EOTkB1TtFr-d26BSYyhSqFpnCG6/s1600/zarobitchany1.JPG"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5663315089025100130" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsaah2jw9LtSmoj4ylHpCkdSrv46naCvYSsvvEMzfg1NLAJCOm0Lj0AvqI9VCnEl_jx42AV7It9cl8MIMMZFfpD3rcHMbmOFL3FiwxB2T2ADJxf1BV6EOTkB1TtFr-d26BSYyhSqFpnCG6/s200/zarobitchany1.JPG" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 150px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 150px;" /></a> Ukrainians are currently the largest migrant group in Poland. Ukrainian women working as domestic workers abroad circulate on a regular basis between their country of origin and the host country, entering the latter legally, but in general engaging in unregistered employment. The aim of this chapter is to present an overview of the risks taken by Ukrainian domestic workers in Poland – and their responses to those risks – since the introduction of a visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens in October 2003. This chapter addresses not only the economic risks of migration, such as possible financial gain or loss, but also socio-cultural risk factors. </div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify" dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify" dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span style="font-size: 85%;"></span> <br />
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</style> <![endif]--> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Risk and Risk Strategies in Migration: Ukrainian Domestic Workers in </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Marta Kindler</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The 1990s saw the increasing presence of Ukrainian migrants in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Europe</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (Chaloff 2003; Kępińska 2004; Malheiros 2001; Okolski 1997; Wallace et al. 1997; Wallace and Stola 2001). Between 1994 and 2001, one in 10 Ukrainian families experienced the temporary labour migration of one of its members (Prybytkowa 2004). The feminization of this migrant population occurred, with domestic work being an important migrant employment niche for women. Ukrainian women compete with other migrants for domestic work in countries such as </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Austria</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> or </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Italy</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (see Haidinger in this book).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukrainians are currently the largest migrant group in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (Kępińska 2004). Ukrainian women follow a pattern similar to Polish women working as domestic workers abroad, circulating on a regular basis between their country of origin and the host country, entering the latter legally, but in general engaging in unregistered employment (Morokvasic and Tinguy 1993; Cyrus 2003; see also Lutz in this book).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The aim of this chapter is to present an overview of the risks taken by Ukrainian domestic workers in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> – and their responses to those risks – since the introduction of a visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens in October 2003. This chapter addresses not only the economic risks of migration, such as possible financial gain or loss, but also socio-cultural risk factors [1].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">1. Risk and Ukrainian Domestic Workers – A Missing Perspective?</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Risk can be understood as a situation in which something of human value has been put at stake and the outcome is uncertain (Jaeger 2001:17). The perception of and the responses to risks are crucial in shaping the migration process. The risk perspective underlines the role of migration as a household strategy to cope with the highly unstable position of workers, especially female workers, in the labour market in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. In the 1990s, economic reforms failed in the</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Hidden unemployment was rising and women were the first to lose their jobs, making up 80 per cent of those made redundant (Pavlychko 1997; Human Rights Watch Report 2003). Living standards of Ukrainian households deteriorated sharply. Unable to pay for housing, electricity and gas, Ukrainians also could not satisfy their basic needs, such as access to adequate social services and schooling of children. Social and economic insecurities became an everyday experience for Ukrainian families and individuals (Standing and Zsoldos 2001).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Many turned to ‘self-help’ measures, such as irregular economic activities relying on barter, petty trade and private subsidiary agriculture, as well as other trusted informal practices well known from the communist system (Bridger 1987; Raiser 1997; Adler-Lomnitz 2002). With the lifting of border restrictions at the end of the 1980s the possibility of temporary economic migration provided Ukrainian households with a new space in which to diversify the risks present at home. A household could engage in a strategy of diversifying the sources of income by sending one or more members abroad to work and thereby diversify the risks to income (Katz and Stark 1986). However, this new space of opportunity – economic migration, is not devoid of risks.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The use of risk when looking at women who migrate to work as cleaners and carers is in my opinion particularly appropriate. This type of migration is an inherently risky proposition since it constitutes a gamble on a whole range of unknowns, including not only the employment opportunities and employment conditions in the destination country, but also the migrant’s ability to cope with a prolonged absence from home.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The risk perspective is also relevant when considering the specific risks inherent in the character of migrant domestic work. Domestic work is a remunerated informal activity which is performed individually, limiting the possibility to develop and use migrant networks which act as ‘uncertainty reducers’ (Massey et al. 1993). It is also an activity performed in the private sphere where the informal employer can become a source of risk and/or be a useful resource to balance the risks related to migration. One can assume that migrant domestic work involves putting at stake various values and the outcome is uncertain. Migrant domestic work is a form of risk taking.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This chapter focuses on two main risk factors for Ukrainian domestic workers. The first concerns the everyday consequences of the visa regime and responses to the related risks of migrants when entering the country and gaining permission to stay and work. The second concerns the specific types of risk created by the domestic labour niche in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Here the responses to risks concern access to work and work conditions. According to the socio-cultural approach to risk, responding to risk requires reflexivity from an individual (Giddens 1995). A person as a member of a group constructs his/her risk understanding on the basis of a common knowledge, which was developed in specific political, economic and social circumstances (</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Douglas</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> 1992). A migrant gathers ‘risk knowledge’ through everyday practices and through exchanging information, including rumours. Risk response is also influenced by access to – and ability to mobilise – resources, and the resulting power relations, as well as by the migrant’s location within her/his life cycle (age, work-experience, having a household). Also gender influences culturally defined responses to risk by men and women [2].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">2. Ukrainian Migrants in </span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> – An Overview</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, traditionally a country of emigration, also became a destination for migrants in the 1990s. There are two turning points influencing migration to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. The first is the opening of borders in Central and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Eastern Europe</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> after 1989 [3]. Citizens of countries such as the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Belarus</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Russia</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> were able to travel freely to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Central Europe</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. They were allowed to remain in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> legally as tourists for 90 days. Migrating to Poland at that point meant an easy entrance, a short trip, a culturally similar environment and wages two to four times higher than at home.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">No wonder that </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> became an important destination for its Eastern neighbours. From 1988 to 1991 the number of arrivals from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Soviet Union</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> increased by 5.8 million (to reach 7.5 million) (Okόlski 1997). Quickly it became clear that Ukrainians predominated among the new arrivals. According to the 2002 Population Census, Ukrainians were the most numerous registered foreign residents in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> [4]. In addition, in contrast to migrants from other countries of origin, women dominated the stock of Ukrainian migrants (Kępińska 2004) [5].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The second turning point began with </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">’s EU accession process and the adoption of Schengen regulations [6]. The focus was on strengthening the external border of the EU, with funding given for the improvement of the Polish Border Guards equipment [7]. This process culminated in October 2003 with the introduction of a visa requirement for citizens of the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Russia</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Belarus</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> [8]. Ukrainians are officially exempted from paying for a visa. Currently, a migrant can obtain two short-term visas per year. Between October 2003 and September 2004 more than 600,000 visas were issued to citizens of the Ukraine, with a large share of visas being issued in the Ukrainian Western borderlands (approx. 210,000) (Kępińska 2004).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukrainians also constitute an important flow of migrants not present in official statistics. By entering </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> as tourists and working without proper documents they escape official data. In the late 1980s Ukrainians started to come to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> to trade, and work in agriculture and small businesses. With the introduction of the visa requirement Ukrainian migrants now usually enter on a short-term visa, which allows them to remain in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> for up to 90 days in a period of six months. They rarely enter with a long-term visa (up to one year in a period lasting a maximum of five years). During their stay they develop their social networks and migrant infrastructure [9]. Due to the presence of Ukrainians in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, temporary labour migration has become an issue of growing importance. Women also seem to dominate the informal flow of migrants. The majority of migrants are concentrated in the Mazowiecki Voivodship (mainly in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and its suburbs). According to the Ukrainian embassy’s report from 2001 there were approximately 300,000 temporary labour migrants in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (Malynovska 2004). Meanwhile, the Polish state is not making any legislative changes to facilitate the process of legalization of the informal work of temporary labour migrants from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, among them domestic workers [10].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">3. Ukrainian Domestic Workers in </span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: Risks and Risk Strategies</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In the 1990s, an important labour niche opened in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> for migrant women. The reduction of welfare state provisions, such as the closing down of kindergartens, combined with shorter maternity leave, increased working hours, and the growing income of certain sectors of society, caused an increase in demand for domestic workers (Eisenstein 1993; Ingham and Ingham 2001; Balcerzak-Paradowska 2004; Golinowska 2004; Zielińska 2005). By domestic work I mean remunerated general household maintenance, cleaning, cooking and care for the elderly, children and persons with disabilities. Although discredited during communism as the epitome of the ‘bourgeois family’, domestic workers were already present in more affluent Polish households. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">These were usually internal migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of employment, as well as war widows needing a source of subsistence. Although there is a rising awareness of discrimination against women in the labour market and a growing acceptance of a family model where both spouses share housework and childcare, women continue to fulfil domestic and care duties in Polish households (Marody and Giza-Poleszczuk 2000). Currently these duties are also being undertaken by Ukrainian women, as not every Polish household has family support networks to draw on, such as grandmothers and aunts. In addition, for relatively affluent households in large urban centres, employing a domestic worker is a sign of social status [11].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This chapter is based on research material collected for my doctoral thesis entitled ‘Risk and Risk Responses During Irregular Labour Migration: The case of Ukrainian Domestic Workers’, due for completion in June 2007.12 Drawing on material from 14 interviews, I will focus on two narratives: that of Swetlana, who is working as a cleaner, and Ludmila, who is working as a care worker in Poland [13]. I decided to use these two cases because they are representative of the whole sample in terms of education (secondary level) and place of origin (town/village). The two women are both single heads of their households and the only providers of earnings for the family. This is characteristic of a number of my interviewees and is a factor which increases their ‘risk position’, in contrast to those who share the income risks with their spouses. Although the women are of a similar age, they are engaged in different types of domestic work – cleaning and care work. They also represent two different migration scenarios: one has experienced various types of migrant work, before engaging in domestic work; for the other, the domestic work niche is her only migration activity. In addition, the two women illustrate important common and more unusual aspects of the experiences of the interviewed domestic workers.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ludmila is a 39-year-old woman from a town near the Polish-Ukrainian border. She has secondary education and is a qualified cook. Ludmila is separated from her husband (who is currently in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">United States</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">) and has three children from the ages of 15 to 22 in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, who are taken care of by her mother-in-law. She began to work in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> in cross-border trade in 1993, later on she worked in agriculture and moved to work in a textile factory. At the time of the interview, she had worked for two years as a care giver. Her duties were to care for three children and a dog, as well as being responsible for cleaning a three storey house. She lived in the house where she worked. Ludmila supports her children and her mother-in-law through</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">her earnings.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Swetlana is a 40-year-old woman from a town in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Western Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. She finished technical school and worked as a director in a ‘house of culture’ where she was not paid for several months.14 Before migrating to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, she also traded at the local bazaar. Swetlana is divorced and has a teenage daughter in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, who stays with her grandmother. Swetlana financially supports her daughter, grandmother, unemployed brother and from time to time her parents. Swetlana rents a bed in a garage in a </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> district together with four other women. She has worked in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> as a cleaner for five years.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">4. Risk and Being ‘Outside the System’: Irregularities of Entrance and Residence</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ludmila, like the majority of the Ukrainian domestic workers interviewed, did not perceive migration to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> as a high risk activity. Geographic proximity guarantees that only minimal financial investment is needed for entry to and an easy exit from the country. As Ludmila mentioned, when a person cannot cope with the migrant reality, she can just take her <i>torby w ruki </i>[bags in hands] and leave. However, the introduction of visa regulations has shaken the already established ‘routine’ of circulating between the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. The uncertain prospect of receiving a visa has become one of the main risks for Ukrainian migrants.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">For Ukrainian domestic workers, as for other Ukrainian migrants, the introduction of visas meant an increasing input of resources into an activity, for which the outcome is more and more uncertain. Apart from financial contributions (such as bribes to guarantee receiving a three month visa), these preparations involve trips to consulates, waiting in long queues to submit an application and waiting for the visa. Swetlana received all of her visas through bribes and connections: the first one through an intermediary for $70 and the second through a bribe given in the queue at the consulate. But when applying for her third visa, her connections failed her and she was given a stamp in her passport forbidding her to enter </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> for a year. Swetlana had to get her passport ‘stolen’, pay for a new one and find new connections that would guarantee her a visa [15].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Access to high quality information is a basic condition for engaging in tactics for balancing the risks of migration, among them risks related to entering and staying in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Information spreads mainly via ties to distant acquaintances, migrants met in public spaces, at the bus-stop, bazaar, in a shopping-mall or while commuting between </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Apart from hearing the familiar language there are non-verbal signs, bodily reference schemes, which allow Ukrainian migrants to recognise each other. As Swetlana pointed out: gold teeth, certain types of clothes and ‘reddish’ gold earrings. With multiple ties to Ukrainian acquaintances, migrants are well equipped to balance the risks of irregular migration. Migrants can find out through such networks about useful tactics, which allow them to prolong their stay in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Swetlana, for example, enrolled on a language course in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> as a result of such information. This guaranteed her a three month visa. Other migrants became volunteers in non-governmental organisations, which entitled them to a year long visa [16].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ludmila received a visa for a year thanks to the personal connections of her employer. With growing migration experience the migrant can balance the migration risk via their ties to employers. The employer also plays an important role in legalizing the migrant’s stay through so-called ‘falsely declared’ employment. It is ‘falsely declared’ because the migrant does not work only for the particular employer who has applied for her work permit and does not receive the officially declared salary. This employment functions as a ‘facade’ allowing a migrant domestic worker to receive a one year visa [17]. Gaining an invitation from an employer is also an important strategy facilitating entry into the country. The person issuing the invitation officially takes financial and legal responsibility for the invited person. In reality, this acts as a way to ensure the receipt of a visa and to avoid being refused entrance at the border. The migrant changes the actual meaning (in contrast to the legal meaning) of an invitation. This ‘facade’ again requires trust between the migrant and the person (usually the employer) sending the invitation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">A well-established network of employers allows the migrant to have housing registration, which is checked at the border upon exit. Ensuring registered stay is, however, less of risk than overstaying the allowed period. At the time of our interview Swetlana’s permitted stay was due to expire in two weeks and she was seriously considering overstaying. She was afraid that she would not receive another visa and in the meantime would ‘lose’ her employers. Overstaying can result in deportation, which in the case of Ukrainians does not usually mean being caught within Poland and deported, but receiving a stamp in one’s passport upon exit, disallowing entrance</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> for at least one year. Here again one of the tactics is to get one’s passport ‘stolen’, receive a new, ‘clean’ document for approximately $150 and re-enter the visa application process.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">5. Risk and the Organization of Work</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">According to the women interviewed, not having a job on arrival is a serious risk. Lack of work means not only being unable to send remittances home, but also not being able to cover basic living expenses in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. The women try to balance this risk in various ways. One of the basic tactics is to arrange employment while still in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> through other migrants. This occurs often via the so-called self-organized rotation system. The self-organized rotation system, which consists of replacing a migrant domestic worker at her job while she is in the Ukraine, is a stable form of employment for many migrants, but can also become a means to develop ties to find new work and accommodation. Conflicts appear around the self-organized rotation system when an employer is more satisfied with the replacement worker than with their usual employee. Ludmila accessed the domestic work niche through the selforganized rotation system. She later used this system with her sister, to ensure that her job would not be ‘stolen’ from her.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The self-organized rotation system is not only a method to search for employment by migrants, but it also allows the migrant to balance the risk of overstaying with the risk of losing one’s job. Domestic workers, who clean every day of the week for a different employer or who take care of someone’s child or parent every day, cannot be absent from Poland for too long. When not participating in the self-organized rotation system, the domestic workers try to receive a year long visa<b>, </b>or they attempt to enter </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> without proper documents so as not to lose their employment. All of these options require specific access to resources.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Recommendations and trust between the potential employer, the migrant and the intermediary arranging the employment are needed when work is arranged from the Ukraine, but also when searching for a job after arrival to Poland. Recommendations balance the risks for the migrant employee and the informal employer. Of course the risks of the migrant and the employer differ substantially – the employer being in their own country, with a financial, social and legal status very different from that of the migrant. A strong tie to Polish employers gives the migrant access to the employer’s friends and family – potential employers in return are able to secure a tried and tested standard of employment [18]. The employers are in general private individuals. Only sporadically are migrants employed through professional cleaning or care agencies in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. The agencies are in general not willing to be intermediaries for undocumented employment, while the migrants are often not able to pay for the services of the agency.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Clearly, arranging work before leaving for </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> is not always possible, because not every potential migrant has access to proper ties and information. Meanwhile, having to remain at home can be a higher risk than migrating without a promised job. Swetlana’s situation illustrates this well: her friend, who had been working already in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> found her accommodation, but no work. Due to Swetlana’s financial situation this was enough of an incentive for her to risk migration. Swetlana’s arrival in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> is a story of a lack of economic capital (she had to borrow money for the trip), limited cultural capital (not knowing the language) and social capital in the form of a friend from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, who provided her with accommodation, but who</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">had no access to the domestic labour niche. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Inexperienced migrants try to access the domestic labour niche via the help of other Ukrainians, either already known from home or met in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, or through Poles. Swetlana for example, tried to find employment at the restaurant where her Ukrainian friend worked as a waitress, but without success, because she had not yet learned Polish. Later her Polish landlord became her ‘gate opener’ to the domestic labour niche – her friend employed Swetlana as a cleaner and found her another two cleaning jobs in private households. Migrants also try to access the domestic labour niche by advertising their services in newspapers. In the advertisements it is explicitly stated, sometimes in capital letters, that it is a Ukrainian who is offering her cleaning or care services. However, this form of searching for a job is less efficient than using personal ties, because of the general necessity of recommendations in accessing the domestic labour niche.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">6. Risk and Living Conditions</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Living conditions structure the migrant’s exposure to risk and ability to balance risk. Living in, that is living with the employer or cared for person, is characterised by having work and housing secured. It can be understood as a ‘low-risk’ access to migration opportunities. In general those living in are care workers. Their earnings are lower (on average $300 per month) than those of migrants working in cleaning, who have many employers, live-out and earn on average $400 per month. However, they do not have to bear the costs of renting a room or apartment or paying for their food. Only a few cleaners live in, renting rooms in exchange for cleaning the apartment once a week.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">However, living in has many drawbacks. Living in, in combination with the nature of care work, means spending most of the time inside the home. This does not give the migrant a chance to meet other migrants, exchange information or create her own network. Among my interviewees, those who took care of elderly people were only able to gather news during their occasional shopping excursions and by meeting migrants who lived in their proximity. Ludmila, who took care of children sporadically managed to meet other nannies during walks with children. A care worker may gain access to employment information by becoming an intermediary between potential employers – friends or acquaintances of the migrant’s employer – and Ukrainians searching for work from home. With time the migrant living in is exposed to higher risks than at the beginning of the migration process, being dependent upon the employer for employment and for accommodation and lacking access to information about other work and living possibilities. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Those living out have to respond initially to higher risks during migration – they have to find out about housing and employment possibilities. Upon arrival migrant women often have temporary accommodation and/or employment arranged, for example by replacing another migrant at her work. However, finding accommodation, which has low rent and is available to Ukrainians, is a difficult and time-consuming task. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">’s rents are the highest in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. This forces migrant domestic workers to search for housing on the outskirts of the capital, in areas such as Piaseczno, Zielonka and Lomianki, meaning additional expenditure on commuting and encounters with ticket controllers, who may use extortion against Ukrainians.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">It also means cutting expenses by accepting poor living conditions, such as sharing a room with several other people, living without heating or running water, having no bathroom, or living in someone’s basement. Swetlana pays for a bed in a garage, in which three, sometimes four, other women live. The garage is not well heated, which forces her not to accept any work she is offered and to remain at work for longer hours in the winter. Minimised expenses in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> are often accompanied by rising living standards in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. My interviewees found their accommodation in general through ties to acquaintances and through employers, such as renting an apartment only for a small sum, changing places of accommodation throughout the week or even being able to live in the employer’s office.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">7. Risk and Invisible Domestic Work</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Migrant domestic work has various risk layers. The seemingly most obvious aspect which puts the migrant at risk, is the fact that domestic work in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> is carried out in general without proper documents. Undocumented employment is the most common way for Ukrainian migrants to transgress Polish regulations. However, my interviewees often did not even reflect upon the undocumented character of their job and the related risks [19]. Domestic work taking place in the private sphere of the home is the least exposed to police intervention among the migrant occupational niches. It is in that sense ‘invisible’ to the authorities. There is little probability of being apprehended and the fact that a migrant domestic worker can advertise her services in a newspaper proves that there is little fear of persecution. Also little negative value judgement is attached to surpassing the law in that area. Most interviewees perceived as a ‘trap’ the shift in meaning of a familiar practice – domestic work. Ukrainian women know the rules that shape domestic work, that is they know how to behave in this specific context, however, these rules are applied to a new space and are transformed through mobility abroad, payment and work conditions.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Remuneration for domestic work is new for women. The reliance on informal norms of payment for domestic work and on the power relations between the Ukrainian migrant and the Polish employer, with the latter having the decisive power over how much to pay and when to dismiss workers, were accepted as ‘normal’ risks related to work in general. This may be due to the informal nature of work relations in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. However, many of the interviewed migrant women refused to depict this work solely as a ‘financial contract.’ By refusing to speak about their work in purely financial terms the migrants put themselves into a morally superior position to the employer and this way balanced the risk of not being paid by the employer or not being paid adequately. Employers who paid the exact sum owed to the migrant domestic worker, who did not pay for additional hours of work, or who excused themselves for not having change and paid less than the amount owed, were ridiculed in Swetlana’s stories. At the same time, the interviewed migrants saw the fact of being employed in a foreign country, as a sign of ‘knowing how to go on’, knowing how to cope, not being passive, of being responsible for one’s family.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Remunerated domestic work also signifies a different workload. As Swetlana, who works as a cleaner, stated:</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Once I didn’t understand this, you see? I didn’t understand this work, I didn’t understand how it is done abroad. I didn’t understand how this is, you know. I would even say, now when I go back to </span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, they all think that they give money for nothing abroad, and they don’t understand this work. When I say that I work in someone’s home, no one can imagine what work it is at home, how heavy it is. They all imagine that at home, well, here you dust a bit and clean a shelf, and they think it’s nothing. But no one knows what this work really looks like</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Cleaners and care workers work in the employer’s private sphere. Someone’s household is a specific locale, i.e. a setting for interaction that has a normative base – there are rules of what to do and what not to do, based on social conventions (Giddens 1995). The domestic worker changes the meaning of the household – the private space becomes her workplace. The employers often do not want to acknowledge this fact, attempting to make the migrant domestic worker ‘invisible’ by partly integrating her into their families.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Many of the care workers interviewed who live in, among them Ludmila, reported being treated ‘like a family member’. However, a migrant can turn out to have all the duties and very few of the rights of a family member. Live-in care workers usually lack control over their work. The employer or cared for person may use emotional coercion to push the migrant to do additional work –‘How can you not do this for me?’, or to be available even when it is the migrant’s ‘free’ time – ‘It is as if you were leaving your own mother!’.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Employers also manage to make cleaners ‘invisible’. Swetlana got several house keys from her employers to clean while they were at work. This is a matter of trust, but also a way of making the migrant do the work while the employer cannot see her. This may be due to practical or cultural reasons, especially in the case of the woman employer feeling that someone is taking over her sphere of influence, or due to feeling uncomfortable having a ‘stranger’ within their intimate space.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukrainian migrants try to ‘accommodate’ their employers with their looks, wearing less make-up or ‘neutral’ clothes. Swetlana admitted that she worked for a whole year in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> to change her gold teeth for a new set of white teeth. According to her this made her appearance less visible in public spaces and more acceptable for employers. The migrant is not only made ‘invisible’ by the employer, but also tries to ‘disappear’ in the public space due to her irregular status (Romaniszyn 2004). In their stories the migrant women also tried to make the employer ‘invisible’ to some extent, presenting them as friends who think it is more important to ‘have tea and talk’ than do the cleaning.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This misunderstanding of domestic work puts increasing pressure on the migrant to perform well and the migrant risks exclusion when failing to reach the expectations of their households in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Migrants contribute partly to the creation of this ‘migration myth.’ They want to be seen as successful migrants, and do not want to worry their families about their work conditions, sharing only their good experiences of migration.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">7. Conclusion</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Ukrainian women’s response to risks at home through migration to domestic work as part of a household strategy conforms to group norms and expectations in relation to risk. In that sense it is similar to the migration of other Ukrainians. However, when already involved in domestic work these migrants fall into more individualistic patterns of behaviour, relying on the self-regulation of risk. They are relatively free from the control of other group members and place their trust in individuals. Certain aspects of migrant domestic work are perceived by them as risk taking, but are seen not only as a dangerous activity, but also as beneficial. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Risks are not identified by migrant workers in the abstract sphere of legality, that is risks related to being ‘illegal’ in regard to entry, residence and work, but in the form of real ‘barriers’ in the form of a visa requirement or restrictive controls at the border and the shrinking space for informal negotiations. The latter is in my opinion characteristic of most irregular labour migrants from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. However, Ukrainian domestic workers have access to resources, such as close ties to Polish employers, which other migrants do not have. The risks related to the undocumented character of work are largely ignored, while the actual risk is identified in the changed meaning of domestic work – it is a paid job and the requirements of the employer are high. However, because work is carried out in the private sphere, the employer fails to recognise this as an employment relationship, attempting to change the migrant into an ‘invisible’ helper. This again is a specific risk related to cleaning and care giving as a work niche.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Migrant domestic workers have their own ‘risk portfolio’ (</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Douglas</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> 1992). They have to respond to risks specific to their work niche and have access to particular types of resources, unique for their group.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Notes</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[1] In migration theory, risk is primarily understood in economic terms, as risk to income</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">(Katz and Stark 1986).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[2] Stereotypically women are socialised to avoid risk-taking, while men, especially young</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">men, can be encouraged to take risks to prove their courage.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[3] Between 1989 and 1997 there were no legal regulations restricting immigration apart from the ratification of international agreements and the outdated Aliens Act from 1963, which was liberally interpreted.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[4] They constitute 20 per cent of the total of 49,221. The population of foreign residents includes foreigners living on a permanent basis in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, the de facto resident population and usual residents (including those staying temporarily for at least 12 months).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[5] Only women from other former-Soviet Union countries, such as </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Russia</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Belarus</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> dominate among foreign residents.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[6] In 1997 the new Aliens Act was adopted. Some restrictions of entry to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> for Ukrainian citizens had already been introduced by 1998. One of these was a requirement to have sufficient financial resources for the duration of one’s stay which, when not fulfilled, could lead to being turned away from the border. Similarly, a person who was suspected of entering </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> with a different purpose than that declared was not allowed entry. Ukrainians also had to have proof of housing registration in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> when leaving the country.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[7] Since 2000, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> has continued to receive funds from the PHARE program for the improvement of border control and received support from the German Bundesgrentzschutz to supervise the Eastern ‘green border’.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[8] The Aliens Act of </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">13 June 2003</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> with amendments (Official Journal of Laws, No. 128, item 1175 of 2003).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[9] For more general information about labour migration from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> see Okόlski (1997) and Bieniecki et al. (2005).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[10] For example in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Italy</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> migrant domestic work is legalized through regularization programmes (see Scrinzi in this book). Although </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> signed a bilateral agreement on seasonal workers with the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> in 1994, this agreement has not been implemented. At the beginning of 2006, information appeared about the possibility of a new bilateral agreement being signed with the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> concerning temporary workers in agriculture, construction and care for the elderly (<i>‘Rząd chce otworzyć granice. Polska zaprasza do pracy sąsiadόw ze</i> <i>Wschodu’ </i>[The government wants to open the borders. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> invites its neighbours from the East to work], Gazeta Wyborcza, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">1 February 2006</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[11] Polish women rarely compete with Ukrainian migrants for access to domestic work in private households within </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. However, Polish women and men do work for cleaning agencies, to which the migrants have little access. Polish students can be a minor source of competition for migrant domestic workers in regard to childcare.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[12] My research uses qualitative methods and extensive field research. I conducted indepth interviews between January and March 2005 among Ukrainian care workers and cleaners employed in undocumented work in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and its suburbs. The interview consisted of open-ended questions on everyday practices of migrants, on their fears and hopes concerning migration to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, as well as tactics for balancing the possible risks of migration. The age of my interviewees ranged from 18 to 56, however the majority was between 40 and</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">50 years old. Seven of the women were divorced or separated from their husbands. Six of my interviewees were married, four of the husbands were also migrants. One migrant had a Polish husband. One of the interviewees was single. Twelve of the interviewees had children, of which only one had her child in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Most had secondary level education, two women had primary education and one was a university graduate. Their migration experiences ranged from several months to 10 years. For 12 out of the 14 interviewees, migration to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> was their first trip abroad. I also conducted a participant observation study in January 2005 in a Ukrainian village near Lviv, where one of the migrant domestic workers working in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> lived. This involved getting to know the people migrating from this village, attending meetings of friends of the migrant, exchange of information on the street on the possibilities of employment in Warsaw, being able to judge the overall material situation of the households and further needs that would stimulate migration. I followed this with participant observation in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, becoming a member of an association that legalised the residence and work of migrants, mainly from the</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> and mainly domestic workers, by making them volunteers and using the Polish Act on volunteering and non-profit organisations.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[13] The names of my respondents have been changed. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[14] A house of culture is in general the largest public body within a district/ town/ village responsible for the organisation of leisure time through such activities as painting, dancing or singing courses, theatre and excursions.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[15] The passport system has only recently been computerised, which meant that previously it was open to manipulation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[16] A foreigner can become a volunteer under the Polish Act on Non-profit Organisations and Volunteering. A volunteer has the right to be reimbursed any expenses that he/she incurred due to volunteering. This bypasses the necessity of formal employment for the migrant to legally work. A volunteer signs a contract with the person to whom she is providing the services and has to pay health insurance. Being a volunteer not only guarantees a three month visa, but also provides the possibility of applying for a one year visa as well as a temporary residence permit. In one non-governmental organisation, I found that out of 101 volunteers 94 were from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. There were twice as many women as men and over 50 per cent of the volunteer services provided were in social care.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[17] The potential employer has to submit an application to the Voivodship’s Labour Office, together with a document from the local labour office stating that there is no other person available for the job, proof of ownership of an apartment or house, an official statement from the criminal register proving that the potential employee is not an offender, proof of registration for the foreigner and a payment of 849 PLN (approximately $300) for offering employment to a foreigner. The conditions of work are described as very ‘unattractive’ on purpose, making it impossible for the employment office to find a possible Polish candidate in their database.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">(The potential employer also has to place an advertisement in a newspaper. Those answering the job advertisement will be informed that the job has already been taken.)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[18] Employers’ contacts are in many ways better than relying on connections to other migrants, because a migrant will share the ‘leftovers’ – information or contacts that are of poorer quality (less well-paid, temporary or ad hoc jobs). Using the employers’ network guarantees a certain routine and stability of employment, which in a climate of insecure, informal work is essential for the migrant domestic worker’s sense of security. In addition, the employer can provide the migrant with a form of informal insurance, a ‘security net’, in case of health, financial or even legal problems.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">[19] Only respondents under 35 years old saw their work in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> as representing not only quick financial gain, but also possible losses due to the job’s undocumented character, not being insured, not having a pension and most of all being unable to find different types of work.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">References</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Adler-Lomnitz, L. (2002) ‘Informal Exchange Networks in Formal Systems: A Theoretical Model.’ Paper delivered at the workshop: ‘Honesty and Trust: Theory and Experience in the Light of the Post-Socialist Transformation.’ Collegium </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Budapest</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">, Institute for Advanced Studies. <a href="http://www.colbud.hu/honesty-trust/lomnitz">www.colbud.hu/honesty-trust/lomnitz</a> [last viewed </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">31 May 2006</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Okόlski, M. (1997) Najnowszy ruch Wedrόwkowy z Ukrainy do Polski. Charakterystyka Strumieni, Cech Migrantow i Okolicznosci Pobytu w Polsce. [Recent Migration from the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">.] </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Warsaw</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: ISS UW Working Papers, Migration Series 14. Online: <a href="http://www.iss.uw.edu.pl/osrodki/cmr/wpapers/pdf/014.pdf">http://www.iss.uw.edu.pl/osrodki/cmr/wpapers/pdf/014.pdf</a> [last viewed </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">30 May 2006</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">].</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Pavlychko, S. (1997) ‘Progress on Hold: Conservative Faces of Women in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ukraine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">’ in M. Buckley (ed.) Post-Soviet Women: from the Baltic to </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Central Asia</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Cambridge</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Cambridge</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Press.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Pilkington, H. (1992) ‘Russia and the Former Soviet Republics: Behind the Mask of Soviet Unity: Realities of Women’s Lives’ pp. 180-235 in C. Corrin (ed.) Superwomen and the Double Burden: Women’s Experience of Change in Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">London</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: Scarlet Press.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Prybytkowa, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">I.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (2004) ‘Migranci Zarobkowi w Hierarchii Społecznej Społeczeństwa Ukraińskiego: Status, Wartosci, Strategie Zyciowe, Styl i Sposob Zycia’ [Labour Migrants in the Social Hierarchy of Ukrainian Society: Status, Values, Life Strategies, Lifestyle.] Studia Socjologiczne 4/2004 (175): 61-89.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Raiser, M. (1997) Informal Institutions, Social Capital and Economic Transition: Reflections on a Neglected Dimension. Working paper no 25. Online: <a href="http://www.ebrd.com/pubs/index.htm">www.ebrd.com/pubs/index.htm</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Romaniszyn, K. (2004) ‘The Cultural Implications of International Migration’, Polish Sociological Review 2 (146).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Standing, G. and L. Zsoldos (2001) Coping with Insecurity: The Ukrainian’s People’s Security Survey. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Geneva</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: International Labour Office, July 2001.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Wallace, C., V. Bedezir and O. Chmoulir (1997) ‘Spending, Saving or Investing Social Capital: The Case of Shuttle Traders in Post-Communist Central </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Europe</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">’, East European Series no 43.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Wallace, C. and D. Stola (2001) (eds) Patterns of Migration in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Central Europe</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">New York</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: Palgrave.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Zielińska, E. (2005) Equal Opportunities for Women and Men. Monitoring Law and Practice in </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Poland</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Network Women’s Program. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Budapest</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: Open Society Institute.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This text was published in: Migration and domestic work : a European perspective on a global theme / [edited] by Helma Lutz. – </span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Aldershot</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">: Ashgate. – 2008. – p.145-160.</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 21.6pt;"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia;">Photograph was taken by <a href="http://www.patriciabobillorodriguez.com/porfolio/images/40.jpg">Patricia Bobillo Rodriguez</a>.</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia;"></span></div></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify" dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"></div><div align="justify" dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><i></i></div></div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-18935604502369667572011-10-12T08:21:00.000-07:002011-10-16T12:32:18.986-07:00“Як на даний час роботи немає як такої, то можна й так працювати...”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial;">Розповідь продавчині на ринку у невеликому місті Центральної України про свої умови праці, записана студенткою соціології НаУКМА Юлією Ковальчук. Аудіозапис і транскрипт доступні для використання в наукових цілях за умов збереження конфіденційності і посилання на проект “Праця і робітничий рух в Україні”.</span><br /><a name='more'></a>* * *<br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">У мене стаж уже більше тридцяти років. Тридцять чотири роки уже. Я працювала на заводі з 1977 року, опанувала дві професії. Спершу в термічному цеху контролером, потім в експертній лабораторії досліджувала структуру металу, мені там дуже подобалось. Я дуже любила свою роботу. І де б не працювала, я лучшого не бачила. А потім вже в 1995 році почали нас скорочувати і мені прийшлось шукати на нашому ж заводі другу роботу. Потрібні були люди в котельні нашій, оператори. І я пішла на курси, завод мені все проплатив і мене вивчив. Закінчила курси і працювала там з 1995 року по 2007 рік, поки не закрили нашу котельню, порізали на клапті. Оператором я працювала роки три, але мені там важко було працювати і я перейшла лаборантом на хімводоочистку. Очищала воду, яка подається в котьол. Щоб не було накипів, то ми фільтрували цю воду, щоб вона м'ягка була, щоб накип унічтожити. У нас кожного року була переатестація, ми здавали екзамени, білети тянули, задачі рішали, як у школі. На всю котельну нас працювало десь сорок п'ять чоловік, а якщо на хімводоочистці, то нас було біля двадцяти. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Коли завод почали унічтожати, нам не стало де працювати, вже не було п’ятиденки, а були триденки, нам потрібно було шукати роботу. Ще працюючи в котєльні, я підробляла на ринку. Ходила і стояла на реалізації, не офіційно. Я якби вчилась. І людині, в якої я працювала, це було вигідно. Я ходила у свої вихідні. В нас була позмінна робота і я робила з восьмої ранку до восьмої вечора у перший день, а на другий день я виходила на восьму вечора. Значить у другий я йшла на восьму ранку на ринок до п'яти, потім я відпочивала декілька годин і йшла на нічну зміну. Нічну зміну я відпрацьовувала і звідти оп'ять їхала на ринок. Бували такі дні, що я відпрошувалась, різне було. Но в основном я тягнула дві роботи з 2005 по 2007 роки. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">А потім нас усіх звільнили. Зараз вже цієї котельні не існує, все вивезли на металолом. Дуже шкода, дуже шкода. Кучма думав, що все закриє і поки він буде править, то будуть метал продавати і пенсії платити, і зарплата — всьо буде. Так воно все і було! Но метал закінчився, все вже перерізали, що могли. І тепер ось просять у Дніпропетровську — не знаю, чи ти чула, як по телевізору передавали — що там буде Євро2012, а дороги там ужасні. То просять, щоб бідні люди помогли дороги строїть. Хто скільки може, що благодійний внесок дав, хто десять гривень, хто двадцять, хто сто, хто п'ятсот і так дальше. Повинні самі люди зробити дороги. А вас скільки мільйонерів там? Ви не можете за свої гроші зробити дороги? На чиїх грошах ви стали мільйонерами? </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">В нас котельня була потужна, а замість неї побудували зовсім маленьку нову, яка навіть не подає гарячої води. В основному наші дівчата всі пішли на ринок. Декілька, які згодились, їх запросили в цю маленьку котельню. Дві жінки зараз працює там. А інші пішли на ринок. У нас уже вік такий біля п'ятдесяти років, і нас ніхто вже не хоче брати. На нову котельню мені теж пропонували, але я уже була відкрила своє місце на ринку. Та й до нового колективу адаптуватись в нашому віці вже важко, то я подумала, що так буде краще. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Тепер я працюю на ринку. Починається мій робочий день тут о восьмій ранку і триває до п'ятої вечора. Добираюсь до роботи тролейбусом, на дорогу десь сорок хвилин витрачаю. Працюю шість днів на тиждень, крім понеділка. Перерви як такої немає, ми обідаємо коли у нас є вільний час. Коли в нас нема покупця, то я собі розпоряджаюсь своїм часом. Але кожного дня по-різному. Я собі беру бутерброд. Я по часам знаю, що коли з'їсти. Особливо зранку, у мене низький гемоглобін, то я беру собі гречки сухої з медом, банку з кропивою. Потом робила собі такі вітаміни: курага, горіхи, мед, лимон, яблуко. Там ходять продають різну їжу, але не купляю, тому що я одного разу брала і мені не сподобалось. Так, котлєта, картошка і салат — вісім гривень, а раніше було шість.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Якщо запізнюємось - це не так важливо, нас ніхто за це не карає, можна так сказати, но ми самі знаємо, що нам потрібно вчасно прийти, бо ми працюємо самі на себе і нам самим вигідно прийти вчасно. А коли є покупці – мені бажано затриматись увечері. Відпусток як таких у нас теж немає. Но я завжди можу взяти собі відпустку за свій рахунок. А це означає як – за оренду проплатити, за місце щоденний внесок я маю віддати, а сама закрити ракушку і поїхати куди там, на море чи куди. Це тільки така відпустка. Якщо я навіть захворіла, то все рівно потрібно проплатити все. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Соціальних гарантій нам ніхто не дає. І зарплати як такої у мене немає. Я працюю сама на себе. Виходить так, що скільки я товару привезу, який на нього попит буде, від того у мене виходить зарплата. Мені потрібно заплатити за охорону, за місце, за оренду, що я знімаю ракушку, це у нас так називається. Потім у нас іде патент і пенсійний внесок, який, на нашу думку, дороговато обходиться. Зарплата в середньому у мене виходить, якщо все це повіднімати, я їжджу сама по товар, ще плюс транспорт, десь виходить біля двох тисяч, не більше. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">В нашому ряду проплатити за оренду ракушки треба тридцять доларів, а там ближче до центру, то двісті. Зі своїм товаром, якщо на п'ятнадцять тисяч на місяць купити товару, то вісім обов'язково треба оп'ять у товар вкласти в общій сложності. Ще віддати на всі ті тягомотії, оренди, патенти тисяч п'ять. І тобі дві тисячі лишається. Працюєш на дядю. Я вважаю вигідніше стояти на реалізації, але хазяйка може всі нєрви витріпати. От у мене хазяйка допустим. Завезе новий товар у п'ятницю, перші два дні вона стоїть продає все, що краще. На вихідні все спродала, мені лишається вівторок, середа і четвер, а в п'ятницю вона знов по новий товар їде. І чим мені торгувати? Мені перед нею стидно, що нема каси, а вона кричить, що я не вмію торгувати. Аж обідно! </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">То мені краще за ті дві тисячі я буду на себе працювати. І мені ніхто не буде капати на мозги, і мене інсульт не буде хватати, і серце не буде боліти. Да, це істинна правда — зараз таких, що дають роботу, немає, щоб були відверті і тебе розуміли. Зараз усі дуже хитрі, ти нікому не потрібний. Я цей місяць, що була у неї на реалізації, всього-навсього заробила триста десять гривень. Я в неї просила раз привезти мені товару, а вона каже “немає товару”, привезе щось на парусот гривень, а решту грошей всю зиму круте, круте, круте. Вона мої гроші круте! Не подобалось це мені.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Такова жизнь. І не знаєш, де звалитися. А скільки невиспаних ночей, і давлєніє піднімається. У мене вісімсот тридцять сім гривень пенсії. Чотириста за жильйо, сто за телефон, лишається триста гривень. В борги влізли. У нас ці кредитки знаєш — то тепер ще вертати ті долги. От тупо буває не хватає дєнєг. Я беру ту карточку і йду скупатися в супермаркет. А ті ж гроші потім повертати нада. Аби тратить гроші, і щоб їх не повертати — то було б шикарно. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Так і стою торгую цілими днями, в любу погоду. З холодом чи жарою боротись немає як. Холод не тьотка, як то кажуть. Єдине, що можемо робити – під ноги підмощуємо пінопласт, щоб хоч як-небудь ноги сховати, бо підлога бетонна. Але воно нічого не дає. Все рівно мерзнемо. Там в нас електроенергії нема – не можемо каміна включити, а навіть якщо включити – ми ж не будемо повітря гріти. А влітку – жарко. Зранку так більш-менш, до дванадцятої години, а далі жара бере своє. П’ємо воду і все. Спасаємся так. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">У нас товар від сезону. Якщо зимою ми торгуємо головними уборами, це і спортивними шапочками, і жіночими шапками, зі штучного хутра, то весною переходимо плавно на дитячі шапочки, а літом торгуємо шортами, панамами, блайзерами, такий літній товар – футболки і так далі. Тобто, підлаштовуємось під товар, який є ходовим на ринку. Обов’язково. Якщо не будемо підлаштовуватись, то не буде торгівлі, ти вложиш гроші і вони пропадуть, товар буде валятись і його ніхто не купить.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Їздимо по товар у Хмельницький. Раз на сім-десять діб, як від торгівлі залежить. Якщо мені вигідно їхати вдень – їду вдень. А взагалі єсть в Хмельницькому ночні базари і в нас є спеціалізовані буси, які нас везуть, ми виїжджаємо о першій годині ночі і уже о восьмій ранку я уже вдома. Я всю ніч скуповую товар і потім весь день стою на ногах.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">З колегами по роботі у нас все якнайкраще. У нас братські стосунки, можна сказати, товариські, і ми завжди один за одного стоїмо. Якщо потрібно відійти, то завжди подивляться, якщо підійде покупець і ми знаємо ціну товара, то завжди продамо, запропонуємо купити, приміряти. З тими людьми, з якими я стою в ряду, то конкурентів предостатньо. Особливо зимою, то в нас ряд «шапочників» - продаються одні головні убори. Але ми всі дружні, працюємо, один одному підказуємо і все як краще у нас виходить. В основному порядні люди.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Навколо мене багато циганів, дуже часто сваряться, але тільки між собою, на своїй мові. Ми з ними нормально контактуємо. Біля мене є і пенсіонери – дєд торгує, якому вісімдесят років. Є ще один, у якого син старший мене, теж виходить уже за сємдесят дєду. А всі інші десь від двадцяти восьми до сорока років. Я лічно більше спілкуюсь з молодими, зі старшими тільки вітаюсь. Коли немає покупців, то общаємся, спілкуємось між собою. Про сімейні діла, хто що садить, в кого який ремонт. В кого що наболіло, те і розказуємо.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Страйкували усі разом у грудні 2010 року, тоді і по телевізору показували. Трєбували, щоб не підвищували нам налог і щоб залишилась спрощена система, єдиний налог. І ще нам хотіли ввести касові апарати, щоб ми видавали чеки. Ми були проти касових апаратів і проти цього налогу. Виходили до міськвиконкому, збирались і всі страйкували. Не працювали тиждень. А хто виходив працювати, то їх залякували і заливали товар зеленкою. От ти стоїш з відкритою ракушкою, підійшов, бризнув і побіг. Я цього не бачила, але казали, що було таке. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Нам дали відстрочку, на патент у нас не добавилась ціна, як була сто гривень, так і залишилась. А пенсійний нам обтяжливий. Хотя ми почали платити цей внесок з липня місяця прошлого року, і ми вже чули по телевізору в новинах, що говорили, що вони були не обов’язкові, а добровільні, а уже обов’язкові мають бути з першого січня цього року. Но нас заставляють. От допустим мені прийшов заказний лист, щоб я проплату зробила, протягом десяти днів, іменно цей пенсійний внесок зробила, це коштує 1732 гривні 80 копійок. Но я пока не плочу. В цьому листі написано, що адміністративний суд, чи як там його, будуть приходити додому, описувати майно і відбиратимуть. Но все таки ми думаєм, що ми будемо ще це відстоювати, що це на добровільній основі. Все таки я не так багато заробляю. Да є люди, в яких набагато більша зарплата, для них триста гривень – це нічого, для мене – це велика сума.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Але я нічого не зможу змінити. Да, якщо влада щось придумала, то ми нічого не зробимо, чи ми будемо страйкувати чи ні. А так для себе щось змінити — поміняти вітрину, чи що, то будь ласка. Ми хазяйнуємо тільки на своєму робочому місці. Тобто те що ми страйкували – користі ніякої не дало. Єдине що дало – зробили нам відстрочку до липня місяця з підвищенням патенту, бо вони мали нам зробити більше пів тисячі. Ну і поки що таких явних перевірок не було, як обіцяла влада. А перевірки бувають такі, що перевіряють документи, чи є в нас патент, ксерокопія паспорту. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Arial;">Як на даний час роботи немає як такої, то можна й так працювати. А де подітись? У нас зараз дуже важко з торгами, тому що по місту багато супермаркетів, магазинів роздрібної торгівлі, бутіків. І зараз щось продати – це за щастя.</span></div>
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</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-823507918627858468.post-8791758902982492852011-10-02T04:43:00.000-07:002011-10-21T02:19:29.238-07:00Ukrainian labor migrants and their families<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhj1ZV5YH4eMclzplPBXZoQBvufkClQgWIkB9e4aUplTnNC2b3PQ1K5TQ22TbfpGIMC5MUcYkpcGaQBJQNVdAPH26TdIx5iX8HkyCOnibxJTLe98laeKNbgLwRKqxe8bj3FEHSimMSfAkJe/s1600/migrants+carpathian+village.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5664443144194267906" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhj1ZV5YH4eMclzplPBXZoQBvufkClQgWIkB9e4aUplTnNC2b3PQ1K5TQ22TbfpGIMC5MUcYkpcGaQBJQNVdAPH26TdIx5iX8HkyCOnibxJTLe98laeKNbgLwRKqxe8bj3FEHSimMSfAkJe/s200/migrants+carpathian+village.jpg" style="cursor: hand; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 150px; margin: 0 10px 10px 0; width: 150px;" /></a>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">A typical large Carpathian village of three thousand inhabitants was taken as a case study in this research project. Most families in this village have experience of labor migration, and a new district with large two or three-story newly-built private houses is being developed with the resources brought home by migrants. We focused on this district that currently consists of about 30 houses, most of them still unfinished, but already inhabited. In most families it is the father who leaves to work abroad (usually in construction), while wife and children remain. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: large;"><b>Ukrainian labor migrants and their families: the case of a Carpathian village</b></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Coordinated by Yevgenia Belorusets and Anastasiya Ryabchuk, with support of the International Institute of Social History</span></i></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>General information</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The break-up of the Soviet Union and economic restructuring brought a significant decline in industrial and agricultural production in Ukraine in the 1990s. GDP reached its lowest in 1999, when it was 40,8% of the GDP of the Ukrainian SSR in 1990, and only in the early 2000s the economy began to grow. This growth was uneven, benefiting mainly large industrial centers and metropolitan areas, but even there development was halted by the financial crisis of 2008-2009 (at the end of 2009 Ukrainian GDP was 85,6% of the GDP in 1990). For many people living in small towns and villages (especially in predominantly agricultural Central, Western and Northern parts of the country) labor migration remains the only solution to poverty and unemployment. Neighboring countries both East and West of Ukraine (Russia, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania) are among the most common destinations for labor migrants, due to cultural and linguistic similarities and past experiences of migration. Another destination is South-Western Europe (Italy, Spain and Portugal).</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The Carpathian region in Western Ukraine was one of the least developed areas of the Habsburg empire and later of Poland, Chechoslovakia and Romania (annexed to the USSR only in 1945) and experienced its first wave of transnational labor migration in the late XIXth century, towards North and South America. These experiences were described in detail by a Ukrainian expressionist writer and member of the Austrian parliament Vasyl Stefanyk. In the Soviet years, this region was considered “labor-excessive” (trudoizbitochnyi), as it was predominantly rural, with poorly developed industry and infrastructure, with workers living mainly from agriculture, tourism and vicinity to borders with Romania, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland. Seasonal labor migration (shabashnichestvo) from this region to other parts of the USSR was common already in Soviet days. Commuting from the villages in the mountains to nearby towns for work during the week, staying at a workers’ hostel and returning home for the weekend, was also common, especially since permanent migration to Soviet cities was restricted [Gang and Stuart, 1999]. The latter post-war Soviet trend of weekly or longer-term commuting of “typically young, male and manual or low-skilled laborers” is described by Fuchs and Demko (1978:178), who point to the fact that in the 1970s less than 1% of these labor migrants had higher education and that their incomes on average were much lower than in the city:</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Because commuters are “largely peasants restratified as workers for eight hours a day”, a potentially serious problem of social justice has also arisen. This “new working class”, created through involuntary commuting, is deprived of urban housing, cultural facilities, and educational services, which in effect have become reserved for those who earlier migrated to the cities or for white-collar, technical or administrative workers. […] The commuters also find that their children are denied access to the better educational facilities, which are in the major urban centers, raising the possibility that group disadvantages will be perpetuated [Fuchs and Demko 1978:180].</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">In November 1990, just a year before Ukraine became independent, 44.5% of Ukrainians said they would agree to work abroad, and 10.5% would consider leaving forever, and this figure was twice as high is Transcarpathian region [Shamshur 1991: 259]. Almost a million exit permits were given to Ukrainians in the first half of 1991 to visit friends and relatives in Poland, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Shamshur [ibid: 264] suggests that :</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;">The bulk of this category of migrants is made up of “commercial tourists” engaged in trading and other business operations abroad who cross the frontier repeatedly under the guise of “personal reasons”, quite often utilizing false invitations from foreign citizens, still necessary to get entrance visas and exit permits. It can be assumed also that this group conceals a good deal of job-searching migrants: according to some estimates, migrants looking for jobs abroad make up about half of the travelers for “personal reasons”.</span></blockquote>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Taking all this into account, considering such a long history of labor migration from the Carpathian region, it is not surprising that labor migration is nowadays perceived by the local population as the most obvious solution to economic hardships and lack of opportunities.</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">A typical large Carpathian village of three thousand inhabitants was taken as a case study. To guarantee village residents confidentiality, an invented village name “Vesele” will be used in this research. Most families in this village have experience of labor migration, and a new district with large two or three-story newly-built private houses is being developed with the resources brought home by migrants. We focused on this district that currently consists of about 30 houses, most of them still unfinished, but already inhabited. In most families it is the father who leaves to work abroad (usually in construction), while wife and children remain. Occasionally, the wife may also leave the village, but for shorter periods of several weeks or months (working as a vendor, or joining the husband in the construction brigade, where she may be assigned cooking, washing and cleaning duties), and in those periods the children remain with grandparents. Main destination is Russia (which was a surprising finding, as we were expecting to see more migration to the West) for reasons that will be described in more detail when presenting research findings.</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>Fieldwork</b></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">First stage of fieldwork took place in July-August 2011. In July together with a documentary photographer Yevgenia Belorusets we gathered preliminary data on the Carpathian region and visited several villages and towns to decide on the location for our case study, choosing Vesele village based on our own observations and on consultations with scholars familiar with the region. In early August we went together to Vesele village, where we rented a room in one of the private homes in the new district for one week. During this week we gathered the following information:</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">- Visual data (photographs, short videos) on the infrastructure and social life in the village</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">- Visual data on the migrants’ households – the interiors and exteriors of their homes, family portraits (often with the father away at work)</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">- Copies of photographs and letters that labor migrants send to their family members at home.</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">- Digital recordings of interviews with migrants’ families.</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Ten families have agreed to participate in the project and another ten families refused (with the rest being unavailable at the time of our fieldwork). We plan to return to the village after completing the analysis of gathered data and deciding on further focus (one option being to focus on the life history of one family).</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>Preliminary research findings and possibilities for further research</b></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">a) </span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Economic impact of migration for the community</span></i></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The problem of labor migration from Western Ukraine is widely discussed in media and raised by politicians during electoral campaign. During the "Orange revolution" Viktor Yushchenko - whose electorate came predominantly from the economically depressed villages and small towns - repeatedly stressed that when he would come to power no one would have to leave the country in search of work, and promised to create five million new jobs within five years. During the last electoral campaign less than a year ago another candidate for presidency - Arsenii Yatseniuk has sponsored a publication of stories told by children whose parents left for work in the West. The right-wing populist party “Svoboda” also promises to create new jobs for Ukrainians to allow labor migrants to return home and find work there (while adding a xenophobic anti-migration point to the party program, where immigrants to Ukraine are perceived as taking jobs away from Ukrainians).</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">We see that labor migration receives media attention and retains political significance during the last two decades. The problem also receives great attention from religious organizations (majority of migrants’ families from Western Ukraine are practicing Greek-Catholics) and NGOs. They are urging Ukrainians “not to look at work abroad through pink glasses” and spreading leaflets to inform Schengen visa applicants of possible violations of their rights (one of well-known organizations working in this field is “La strada” whose goal is to prevent human trafficking), dealing with problems migrants may face abroad (e.g. network “Zarobitchany.org”) and with “family break-up and community disintegration” at home in Ukraine.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">At the same time positive impacts of migration are not examined in these apocalyptic media accounts. Vesele is a village that is growing and developing - a rare case in Ukraine, possibly also thanks to migration. Large private houses, small family businesses, and education for children – all this would not have been possible without the support of those family members who migrate in search of work abroad. It is also worth noting, that many families in their interviews could not imagine a situation when labor migration would no longer be necessary to provide for their livelihoods. Even if more jobs were available in their region, salaries would still have been lower and rural communities would still offer fewer opportunities for the more ambitious workers, so they would rather migrate in order to earn more.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Possibilities for further research would include a literature review comparing impacts of labor migrants’ remittances for different home communities, including other parts of the globe, as the classical cases of the Indian province Kerala, or well-documented Latin American and north-African cases. The ideological side of the problem is also interesting – how political parties’ position described above offers a conservative reaction to the neo-liberal transformations and to the integration of the Carpathian region in a global capitalist economy, and why a conservative response, stressing the importance of the family and patriotic values over personal financial gain, becomes a dominant “critical voice” on this issue, marginalizing possible alternative critical accounts of labor migration in this region.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;">b) <span style="color: black;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Family and gender</span></i></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">On the micro-sociological level, when speaking of “family break-up” and “community disintegration”, there is little analysis of these long-term consequences of labor migration for affected families and communities. A possibility for deeper understanding of the processes taking place in such families and communities comes from ethnographic research in situ using such methods as in-depth interviewing, analysis of documents (local press publications, correspondence between family members) and documentary photography to observe living conditions and daily activities.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">One of the focuses of the research will be on changes in family composition and division of labor within the household (for example, women take up many of the traditionally “male” jobs while their husbands are away, or with additional money from their husbands women may be able to afford giving up some of their previous chores by buying equipment like washing-machines, or purchasing products instead of producing them on their own), job opportunities offered to migrants’ children (do they remain in their home towns or villages, migrate to larger Ukrainian cities or emigrate like their parents?), social status of families of migrants compared to those rural dwellers that do not have family members working abroad.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Observed migrant families in Vesele offer a very interesting combination of a traditional rural patriarchal social organization (man as the breadwinner, woman taking care of the household and children, large garden and domestic animals are a must, working hard as a key value, concern over possible social condemnation from neighbors and relatives), and new patterns (encouraging children to leave the village to receive higher education, building huge houses with all facilities and modern construction materials and “euro-style” interior decorations). Interestingly, migration reinforces both types of trends (“traditional” and “modern”) at the same time, despite these trends being quite contradictory.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">It is also noteworthy, that the workingman’s living conditions deteriorate when he migrates for work abroad, has to save on housing, food, clothes and medical aid in order to bring back more money to his family (often living on the construction site with his fellow-workers or even experiencing periods of temporary homelessness and frequenting soup kitchens for the destitute). But at the same time, his wife’s and children’s status improves, as they are able to decorate the newly-constructed house with the most up-to date materials, buy good furniture, clothes, food and cosmetics. One may say, that while the migrant husband is an illegal precarious worker abroad, his wife and children enjoy a middle-class status back home.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">In fact, this interesting tendency was noted also in other countries and historical periods, were migrant men suffering from difficult working conditions were able to provide for a comfortable lifestyle of their wives and children back home. Linda Reeder, writing about mass male migration in Sicily in 1880-1920s, highlights that “goals and desires of the women who remained behind informed many of the choices made by male migrants” [Reeder, 2001: 375] and that migration of the husband was considered as “a sacrifice for the good of the family” [ibid: 379]. She shows that migrants’ wives acted as managers of their husbands incomes, and could spend that money as they saw fit: buying or building new houses (sometimes without waiting for the husbands to return) and consumer goods that showed the family’s improved status:</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;">The wives of migrants moved their families into roomy, two-story houses, preferably with small separate kitchens off one room. The average size and the net worth of the buildings owned by these women were twice that of those owned by women whose husbands remained at home. As soon as the families moved into their new homes, women began to replace their old furnishings with new, store-bought iron bedsteads, tables and dressers. In purchasing homes and furnishing them with rugs, lamps, and mirrors brought in from Palermo and Agrigento, these women took the initial steps to fulfill the dreams they had invested in migration [Reeder 2001: 388]</span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The dark side of such attempts by migrants’ wives “to purchase the physical appearance of the bourgeois world” according to Reeder as the increased dependence on the goodwill of their husbands and weakened ability to control husbands’ earnings, as well as a conflict of interests between the husband and the wife as to where the money should go.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;">c) <span style="color: black;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Changing migration patterns at the turn of the XX and the XXI centuries</span></i></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Too often labor migration is perceived exclusively as a temporary side-effect of the “transition period”, while I believe that in the explanation “transition to capitalism” emphasis on capitalism should also be made (with a subsequent question on the place of Ukraine in the capitalist world-system) and both temporary and systemic consequences of these processes should be analyzed in more detail. It is also necessary to look at the late-Soviet period, and in particular – the structure of the economy. For example, unemployment (and migration) is currently much higher in those regions that in Soviet period were more labor-extensive and less rich in natural resources. In fact, some unofficial labor migration from Western and Northern Ukraine to Kyiv and other large cities was already taking place in the 1980s.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Other questions that demand closer scientific investigation include changes in migration patterns since the early 1990s until today (and what specific economic, political and social factors contribute to these changes) and – at a global level – in what way does labor migration from Ukraine resemble migration from other countries of the economic periphery or semi-periphery to the West or to neighboring countries, and what are the differences. Since we are speaking of two decades of labor migration from the Carpathian region after the break-up of the Soviet Union, such socio-historical research would already be possible.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Some of the families interviewed had experiences of seasonal labor migration within the borders of USSR in the 1980s (mainly to Russia). In the 1990s possibilities for westward migration appeared, with Czech Republic and Portugal being two of the most popular destinations in this particular village. However, with tightening border control and visa procedures, most people in this village once again changed their preferred destination to Russia, where one can stay legally for up to three months (although work is considered illegal without a working contract, therefore in all of the interviewed families it was work in the shadow economy). While the first change of migration patterns was predictable (with the end of the Cold war and more opportunities to travel to Western Europe), the second change back to Russia was an unexpected finding and should be examined in greater detail.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Therefore, one of the focuses of this research will involve changes in the matrix of household and individual decision-making to migrate to a particular country as new opportunities emerge and previously popular destinations lose their attraction. Another issue would be cooperation among relatives and neighbors in the village when deciding to migrate. For example, while many women also tried migrating temporarily in search of work, their absence from home was not as long, and in some cases they followed their husbands and a group of men from the village to do the cooking, washing and cleaning for them. One of the wives would occasionally go with a brigade of about ten men for a period of three months, leaving the kids with grandparents, but would then return to the village for a longer period, unlike the men, who tended to be absent from home for 10-11 months out of 12. Why is this the case? And why didn’t the men simply take their wives with them and have them near, instead of having to invest in large houses where they never live and in regular trips home?</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reasons for the choice of cyclical and return migration rather than emigration were discussed by many scholars. For example, the rural-urban migration in the late 19th -early 20th century Russian Empire had a very similar migratory pattern as the one we see in Vesele village today, that resulted in “split households” with wives and children remaining in the villages, and men migrating to the cities in small groups consisting of neighbors or relatives (forming a “brigade” or “artel”) where they formed non-family households to save on living costs – exactly the same thing respondents in our study are doing. Two of the reasons listed by Timur Valekov for keeping the links to the village and even investing their revenues into their rural households in the Russian Empire at turn of the century seem relevant for our case: keeping the village as an “option of last resort”, since work in the city did not guarantee social security in case of old age or illness, and the inability to provide for their families in the expensive urban environment, where more money had to be spent on housing and food than in the villages [Valetov 2008:165].</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;">d) <span style="color: black;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Private-public distinction</span></i></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Another finding that merits more attention is the sharp distinction between the public and the private sphere in Vesele village. Women, whose husbands have migrated abroad, are often confined to their private home, concerned with creating a ‘little corner of Heaven on earth’. They invest many resources into planting flowers in front of their houses and putting dwarfs and other decorative figures in their gardens, they dream with a smile on their face about the color in which the house will be painted after it is finished (most choose bright colors – green, blue, pink). The interiors of their home look new and carefully-selected by the wife to look just like the interiors from a popular journal “Cozy house”. The huge parental bed is used not by the couple, but by the wife and her children, since the husband is almost never home. Women only leave their homes to talk to their neighbors – women in a similar situation as themselves, or to visit parents or other relatives. They are never seen in local bars and cafes, or simply “hanging out” in the main street like men. The public-private distinction becomes a very gendered one, especially considering that most women do not work outside of home.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The attitudes towards the public sphere and public services are also striking. Many of our respondents have complained about the absence of a pre-school day care for small children, that they would have wished to have (the building of the pre-school was closed down almost a decade ago for renovation). But they have not taken any steps either to demand the local authorities to finish the renovation or to create an alternative community pre-school themselves. There doesn’t seem much solidarity or concern over other urgent issues, like the deteriorating state of the local hospital (most women prefer to go to the nearest town to give birth to their babies), the fact that only the central street is paved, or that the gas pipe that runs through the village does not provide villagers with gas. I believe that labor migration with its concern over improving one’s personal living standards could be a contributing factor to such individualization and sharp public-private distinction, or that they are both caused by a third factor - for example the dominant ideological framework. But this question needs further investigation.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>References</b></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Fuchs, Roland and Demko, George (1978). The postwar mobility transition in Eastern Europe. In: The Geographical Review. Vol.68, No.2 (April 1978), pp.171-182.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Gang, Ira and Stuart, Robert (1999) Mobility Where Mobility Is Illegal: Internal Migration and City Growth in the Soviet Union. In: Journal of Population Economics. Vol. 12, No. 1, Special Issue on Illegal Migration (February 1999), pp. 117-134.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reeder, Linda (2001) Conflict across the Atlantic: women, family and mass male migration in Sicily, 1880-1920. In: International Review of Social History. Vol.46. pp.371-391.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Shamshur, Oleg (1991). Ukraine in the context of New European Migrations. In: International Migration Review. Vol.26, No.2, pp.258-268.Valetov, Timur (2008). Migration and the household: urban living arrangements in late 19th- to early 20th-century Russia. In: History of the family. Vol.13, pp.163-177.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Valetov, Timur (2008). Migration and the household: urban living arrangements in late 19th- to early 20th-century Russia. In: History of the family. Vol.13, pp.163-177.</span></span></span></span></div>
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</div>nastiahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11189980235453366144noreply@blogger.com0